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1

„Jesteśmy tu dla Polski”. III Rada Narodowa RP wobec wydarzeń w kraju (1949–1951)

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Tarka K.

Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne

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2018

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vol. 70

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issue 1

273-289

EN

The article presents discussions on the situation in Poland which took place at the forum of the Third National Council. The Council was appointed by the president of Poland in Exile August Zaleski in 1949. It was vicariously performing some of the functions of the Parliament and as such it was an advisory body to the president and to the government. Its term of office lasted for two years (between 1949 and 1951). Polish authorities in exileregarded Poland as an occupied country and that it was ruled by imposed agents. News coming from the country indicated that the communists ruling in Poland were steering it toward its total sovietisation. Politicians in emigration appealed numerous times to their fellow countrymen in the homeland not to undertake armed combat. They feared that an anti-communist uprising would end in disaster. Their goal was free Poland, independent and whole. However, they could not create a programme which would enable achieving this goal.

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Litwini w III RP

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Tarka K.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2013

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issue 3(348)

77-92

EN

The article presents the situation of the Lithuanian minority in the Third Republic of Poland. Lithuanians who densely inhabit a small area of north-east Suwalki region, in and around Puńsk and Sejny, form a close-knit community. This is the autochtonous, almost exclusively rural population. Lesser and dispersed groups of Lithuanians live on the entire territory of Poland. The overall number of the Lithuanian minority of Poland is approximately 7.5-8 thousand people. In the new reality after 1989 there have been changes in the organized activity of Lithuanians. The Lithuanian Social-Cultural Society which had existed for over thirty years changed its name to the Association of Lithuanians in Poland. New organizations were also founded, such as: the Lithuanian Society of St. Casimir or the Community of Lithuanians in Poland. For Lithuanian activists one of the most important issues was the cause of education in their native tongue. At the beginning of the 1990s the “Aušra” Publishing House began the printing of the first books in Lithuanian since the Second World War. The “Aušra” quarterly was transformed into a monthly and then again into a biweekly. Besides, regional stations of the public radio and television began broadcasting regular programmes in Lithuanian. Lithuanians are characterized by a high national self-awareness and the ability to organize themselves in the defense of their interests. A high degree of internal integration minimized the process of assimilation and allowed them to retain their distinctive individuality, their own language, culture and system of education. The factors that facilitate this phenomenon are: a compact population inhabiting a small area, peripheral location, isolation from the Polish society.

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Szukając wolności. Sprawa kapitana M/S „Batory” Jana Ćwiklińskiego

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Tarka K.

Zapiski Historyczne

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2014

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vol. 79

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issue 2

97-122

EN

After WWII the Polish ocean liner “Batory” operated on the route Gdynia–New York, and from 1951 to India. The captain of the ship was Jan Ćwikliński. The Ministry for Public Security accused him of having a hostile attitude towards the People’s Republic of Poland and insisted on him being removed from his position as Batory captain. In the spring of 1953 the ship underwent a technical check-up at a shipyard in Great Britain. In the meantime it was rumoured that the captain was to be arrested upon his return to Poland on suspicion of espionage. When the renovation works were about to be completed, Ćwikliński decided to escape and left his ship for good. The captain was given political asylum in Great Britain. At the beginning of 1954 he left for the USA. He became captain of the cargo ship “Wolna Polska” [Eng. “Free Poland”] which sailed between the USA and Western Europe. His crew consisted of seamen who had also escaped from Polish ships. The project was financed by the Pulaski Transport Line – the shipping company of the Polish diaspora. Ćwikliński frequently took part in meetings with members of the Polish minority organised by the Congress of the American Polish Diaspora where he told Poles about the situation of the Polish shipping industry and the circumstances of his escape. He ended his career in 1957 and lived in New York. He never returned to Poland and died in 1976.

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Nauka, polityka i tajne służby. Podróże Adama Bromkego do Polski

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Tarka K.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

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2010

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issue 2(16)

339-352

EN

Adam Bromke, known Canadian political scientist of Polish origin, was born in 1928, in Warsaw. During World War II he belonged to the Home Army and actively fought in the Warsaw Uprising of 1944. He left Poland in 1945. He was an activist of the National Party in exile. Between 1955–1956 he conducted the National Committee for a Free Europe’s “balloon campaign” in Poland. In the following years Adam Bromke worked at many Canadian universities. In his researches he was concentrated on the situation in Communist countries in Central and Eastern Europe. In 1961, after 16-year absence, he came to visit Poland with the intention of collecting material for a new book and establishing contacts with Polish scholars. He quickly became an object of interest to/of the PRL’s intelligence service. He refused to pass on any information about other people (especially those of Radio Free Europe) to the intelligence service. However, he was willing to establish political contacts with Ministry of Foreign Affairs (the MSZ, Ministerstwo Spraw Zagranicznych). The intelligence, carrying out operational activity towards Bromke, used his friend from the conspiracy – Wojciech Sokolewicz, an employee of the Institute of Law Studies of Polish Academy of Science (the INP PAN, Instytut Nauk Prawnych Polskiej Akademii Nauk). Simultaneously, Adam Bromke treated him as a mediator enabling conducting political talks with the PRL’s authorities – initially with the MSZ, then with the MSW (Ministerstwo Spraw Wewnętrznych, Ministry of Internal Affairs). Bromke wanted to be regarded as a political partner, an expert, not an ordinary informant. During the following visits to Poland (in 1964, 1968 and 1969) he was ready to come into confidential contacts with the MSW’s leaderships (he did not manage to meet with Minister Mieczysław Moczar). What was his aim? Was he only a political analyst? As a well-known and highly regarded expert in the West, he probably wanted to have an access to the high-ranking PRL’s officials. Did he consider it probable that once the importance of Poland’s “Partisans” increased he would exert an “backstage” influence on their activity? Whenever being under the PRL’s intelligence service’s pressure, Bromke consequently refused to get involved himself in secret collaboration. He came to Poland several times, in the 1970s and 1980s. He also used to meet with the representatives of the PRL’s authorities. During that period, he was no longer under the Secret Service’s surveillance. What is more, he consciously played an opinion-forming role. His books and articles published in prestigious journals were watering down Western intellectual elites’ opinion on Communist rule in Poland and in Central-Eastern Europe. He was widely criticized by “Paryska Kultura” and Radio Free Europe for his openly presented view as well as for his activity in general. In 1988, Bromke settled permanently in Poland where he became a professor at the newly established Institute of Political Studies, Polish Academy of Science. He died in Warsaw, in 2008.

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W oczekiwaniu na wyzwolenie. Rząd Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej na uchodźstwie o sytuacji międzynarodowej na przełomie lat czterdziestych i pięćdziesiątych

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Tarka K.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

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2002

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issue 2

209-231

6

Działalność Karola Lewkowicza – przyczynek do powstania orientacji prokrajowej na emigracji

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Tarka K.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

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2010

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issue 1(15)

EN

New tactic of the PRL (the People’s Republic of Poland) authorities toward Polish emigration was initiated in the middle of 1950’s. The liberalization of the Communist system in Poland in 1956 and hopes for the “second stage” of the October; simultaneously - disappointment with the Western politics as well as constantly lessening chances to change a situation in Central and Eastern Europe and on the same breath, growing crisis and internal disunity of the emigration, created a fertile ground for pro-country orientation in exile. One of the form of communist diversion was offering financial support by the PRL’s intelligence services to those communities which opted for collaboration with the country and which were fighting the „unbroken” off. A weekly “Odgłosy” (“Sounds”), than renamed “Oblicze Tygodnia” (“The face of the week”), edited by the former activist of the Polish Socialist Party – Karol Lewkowicz, was considered to be one of such “dirty” initiatives after the “October”. In January 1957, Lewkowicz, on his own initiative, came into contact with the Polish embassy in London, where during the following talks, he suggested creating an all-party Polish organization in-exile (Kongres Polonii w Wielkiej Brytanii, The Polish Congress in Great Britain). He also highlighted a vital necessity for a new pro-country paper-in-exile to be edited. Lewkowicz, acting on intelligence services’ order, was preparing reports covering information about not only a political situation in exile but also about personal characteristics of particular emigration activists. He was paid regularly for it in return. In the end of June 1957 the first issue of “Odgłosy” was published. The main purpose of publishing that weekly was to stop the press monopoly held by the „unbroken” and what is more it caused some kind of “crack” in the emigration’s environment so hostile to the PRL authorities. Ostensibly for being independent and having an autonomy, actually the “Odgłosy” popularized an idea of cooperation between the country and the exile. It also unmasked a “harmful” activity of the immigrants. By publicizing conflicts between particular groups and inside them, the editors sow confusion and aggravated the breakdown of emigration. Lewkowicz stressed that after the October, the communist party in Poland was no longer a foreign agency. He also considered to be the only legitimate one the authority from the “Vistula country”. The Intelligence Service had grounds to suspect that Lewkowicz was also at British service, nevertheless the cooperation was continued. In 1966 the leadership of the MSW (the Ministry of Internal Affairs) finally decided to stop supporting financially the “Oblicza Tygodnia” as a consequence of too high costs of its upkeeping. Moreover, the magazine was no longer the only pro-country paper in-exile.

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Jest tylko jedna Polska. Bolesław Świderski – emigrant w służbie Polski Ludowej

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Tarka K.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

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2007

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issue 1(11)

273-308

EN

Polish communist intelligence worked on the large group of emigree activists and politicians. It managed to enroll some of them for co-operation. Bolesław Świderski was one of the enrolled. He was a known editor, bookseller and journalist in “Polish” London. In the interwar period he was connected with the nationalistic movement, he was a member of National Radical Camp Falanga (ONRFalanga). During the occupation he was kept in Nazi concentration camps. After the war he emigrated to Great Britain. In 1949 he established his own bookselling company. Świderski’s bookshop was one of the fi rst places, where one could buy not only emigration publications, but also books and magazines from the homeland. In 1955 Świderski opened a publishing house, which soon became one of the biggest publishers in “Polish” London. After the Polish October 1956 he began to demonstrate his pro-communist views, which led to severance of his contacts with political emigration. In 1958 he started co-operating with PRL intelligence. Four years later a fi rst issue of “Kronika” was published. This magazine was finansed by Ministry of Internal Affairs. “Kronika” was a kind of a socio-cultural weekly magazine, adressed to a wide target. The magazine was to be a germ of a group with “positive” attitudes towards Polish communistic authorities. In his colums Świderski would give one-sided and extremely critical opinions on emigration leaders. Soon he began not only attacking “Polish” London, but also praising Communistic Poland, glorifying Polish communistic political elite, playing for Russia and expressing anti-German phobia. A coalition with Russia was to guard Poland against danger from Gernany. Using patriotic ideas, “Kronika” opposed the division between emigration and homeland. The editor-in-chief of the magazine tried to convince readers that despite different world-views, the interest of Poland requires co-operation of the emigration and homeland. In articles published in “Kronika” Świderski negated rationality of political emigration. He asked the emigration to be reasonable, to accept the reality and to accept the permanence of post-war layout of forces. Świderski died in London in April 1969. Just before his death he had been planning to come back to Poland. He did not manage. Two years later the last issue of “Kronika” appeared.

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A Legal Row Between the Émigré Polish Daily & Soldier’s Daily and The Polish Weekly (1950–1952)

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Tarka K.

Rocznik Historii Prasy Polskiej

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2014

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vol. 17

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issue 3

EN

In 1950 the editor-in-chief and the publishers of Polish Daily & Soldier’s Daily sued the Polish Weekly, a magazine published by the Polish Embassy in London, for libel. In the end, the trial did not take place as the two parties reached a settlement in 1952. The defendant, ie. the Polish Embassy, agreed to pay hefty damages

9

Od „zamku” do Gomułki. Postawa i działalność Zygmunta Kotowicza, redaktora emigracyjnego „Głosu Powszechnego”

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Tarka K.

Rocznik Historii Prasy Polskiej

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2012

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vol. 15

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issue 2(30)

99-114

EN

This article examines the activities and the politics of Zygmunt Kotwicz, editor of the émigré Głos Powszechny. The weekly was published in London in 1955–1958. At first it was an organ of the ‘Castle’ (a faction led by President-in-Exile August Zaleski). Fascinated by the 1956 ‘thaw’ in Poland, Kotowicz shifted the editorial line of Głos Powszechny. Early next year he became enmeshed with the Polish secret service, which began to provide covert funds for his paper. In May 1959 Kotowicz returned to Poland

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“No Hope Here”: Stanisław Mackiewicz in the Émigré Tygodnik

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Tarka K.

Rocznik Historii Prasy Polskiej

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2014

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vol. 17

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issue 4

EN

This article looks at Stanisław Mackiewicz’s views and journalism in the émigré Tygodnik [The Weekly] from 1954-1956. Originally an organ of the hardliners gathered round the Polish government in exile (aka ‘The Castle’), it gradually toned down its intransigence. Mackiewicz’s position evolved as well. He not only criticized the policies of the West towards Poland but also hit out against his political opponents in exile, accusing them of collaboration with Western intelligence. In 1956 Mackiewicz returned to Poland. Soon afterwards he was able to witness the outbreak of popular protests in Poznań (28 June 1956); he described them in an article which was published by the Tygodnik

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The press of the Polish political exiles in the United Kingdom and the workers’ protests in Poland in June 1976

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Tarka K.

Rocznik Historii Prasy Polskiej

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2016

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vol. 19

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issue 4

EN

The news of strikes and demonstrations that broke out in Poland on 25 June 1976 resounded throughout the Polish exile community in Britain. The article presents the opinions and assessments expressed by the émigré politicians and journalists concerning the causes and possible consequences of the events taking place in Poland.

12

Kraj i emigracja na łamach „Konturów” — młodzieżowej kolumny w „Dzienniku Polskim i Dzienniku Żołnierza” (1957–1960)

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Tarka K.

Rocznik Historii Prasy Polskiej

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2013

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vol. 16

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issue 2(32)

101-116

PL

„Kontury” — młodzieżowa kolumna w „Dzienniku Polskim i Dzienniku Żołnierza”, ukazywały się w latach 1957–1960. Głównymi publicystami dodatku byli Jan M. Ciechanowski i Bolesław Sulik. „Młodzi” na emigracji wiązali nadzieję z liberalizacją systemu politycznego w Polsce po 1956 r., negowali sens dotychczasowej „niezłomnej” postawy „starych”.

EN

‘Kontury’ — a youth column in the Polish Daily & Soldier’s Daily was published between 1957 and 1960. Its chief contributors Jan M. Ciechanowski and Bolesław Sulik represented the ‘young’ generation of émigrés who hoped that Poland’s political system would become more liberal after the ‘thaw’ of 1956. They also questioned the uncompromising attitude of the ‘old’ diehards

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Zmagania o wolność. Sprawa ucieczki Antoniego Klimowicza w 1954 r.

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Tarka K.

Kwartalnik Historyczny

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2013

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vol. 120

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issue 3

PL

Battles for Freedom. The Case of the Escape of Antoni Klimowicz in 1954From the legal point of view the case of Antoni Klimowicz, a stowaway on s.s “Jarosław Dąbrowski”, was extremely complex. The escape of the young Pole in July 1954 influenced Polish-British relations and mobilised Polish émigré circles in the UK. The illegal passenger was discovered by British dock workers unloading the ship. Initially, everything appeared to indicate that the attempted escape would end badly for him. “Jarosław Dąbrowski” with Klimowicz on deck had already sailed from the Port of London, but soon was halted by the police pursuing it down the Thames. The British, evoking the Habeas Corpus Act, demanded that Klimowicz be handed over to them, and the ship’s captain protested. In this situation, police officers resorted to force and “rescued” the fugitive. The chief role in freeing Klimowicz was played by the Polish émigrés in the UK, who acted in his defence. The Polish Embassy and authorities unsuccessfully protested against the conduct of the British. For several days the case of the Polish runaway was discussed in the émigré and British press. Ultimately, Klimowicz was granted political asylum and subsequently left for the USA, where he died.

14

Zanim został ministrem. O kontaktach Ryszarda Zakrzewskiego z wywiadem PRL

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Tarka K.

Polska 1944/45-1989. Studia i Materiały

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2017

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issue 15

PL

Ryszard Zakrzewski, emigrant polityczny, działacz PPS w Wielkiej Brytanii, na przełomie lat czterdziestych i pięćdziesiątych XX w. kontaktował się w Londynie z funkcjonariuszami wywiadu PRL, podającymi się za dyplomatów. Wiele lat później, na przełomie lat osiemdziesiątych i dziewięćdziesiątych był ministrem spraw krajowych w rządzie RP na uchodźstwie. Before he became minister. On Ryszard Zakrzewski’s contacts with the Polish People’s Republic intelligenceAfter the Second World War Ryszard Zakrzewski (1913–1994) was a well-known exile political and social activist in Great Britain. In the late 1940s he became one of the leaders of the Polish Socialist Party in emigration. He was also active in the Polish Ex-Combatants’ Association and the Federation of Poles in Great Britain. In 1956, the intelligence of the Polish People’s Republic got interested in his person. Over the next few years Zakrzewski maintained contacts with intelligence officers, employed as diplomats at the Polish Embassy in London. Despite the fact that he was not formally recruited, he provided information about activities of certain political groups on emigration, especially socialists. And, as evidenced by documents, he was paid money by some of his contacts. And it was also him, who sought to made his talks of political nature. When his contacts were exposed by British counterintelligence, he ended his collaboration. In the following years Zakrzewski continued to participate actively in the political life of the Polish emigration, and in 1989 he became a minister of the last Polish government in exile.

15

„Monitor Londyński” – krótki żywot pisma „zamkowych” legalistów

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Tarka K.

Dzieje Najnowsze

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2015

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vol. 47

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issue 1

81-87

EN

The first issue of „Monitor Londyński” was published at the beginning of July 1954 during an apogee of a controversy concerning the Polish Presidency in exile. The periodical, edited by Jerzy Zdzisław Kędzierski and published by Jerzy Ścibor, both active members of the pro–Presidential Convent of a Struggle for Independence, was announced as a bi–weekly issued by uncompromising defenders of legalism and sincere supporters of President August Zaleski (the „Castle” legalists). The editorial board attacked opponents of the Zaleski Presidency in the Political Council and condemned General Władysław Anders for opposing the Zaleski Presidency. Ultimately, „Monitor Londyński” turned out to be ephemeral and only three fascicles were published. Today, it is totally forgotten even by researchers studying post–war political émigré circles. The marginalisation of the „Castle” camp (the adherents of President Zaleski), disappointment in the policy of the West, and the liberalisation of the communist system in Poland after 1956 became the reasons for the withdrawal of J. Z. Kędzierski from political life in exile. Avidly interested in English history, he worked on a study dealing with this topic, which he planned to publish upon his return to Poland. At the end of 1957 Mieczysław Kowalski, an employee of the General Consulate of the People’s Republic of Poland in London (actually, an Intelligence officer), established contact with Kędzierski, who in subsequent years frequently met with Intelligence functionaries and received payments for information concerning the émigré milieu. Kędzierski returned to Poland in 1974 and died there in the mid–1980s. On the other hand, Jerzy Ścibor enjoyed a political career within the „Castle” camp. He held the post of minister of internal affairs in the cabinet of Hugo Hanke (1955) and Antonio Pająk (1955–1957), and of minister for home affairs in the cabinet of Aleksander Zawisza (1965–1966). Died in London in 1990.

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[Dyskusja] Stan badań nad emigracją i źródła do jej dziejów

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Bohdanowicz A. J., Bułhak W., Friszke A., Ptasińska-Wójcik M., Tarka K.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

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2010

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issue 1(15)

15-36

Refine search results

„Jesteśmy tu dla Polski”. III Rada Narodowa RP wobec wydarzeń w kraju (1949–1951)

Litwini w III RP

Szukając wolności. Sprawa kapitana M/S „Batory” Jana Ćwiklińskiego

Nauka, polityka i tajne służby. Podróże Adama Bromkego do Polski

W oczekiwaniu na wyzwolenie. Rząd Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej na uchodźstwie o sytuacji międzynarodowej na przełomie lat czterdziestych i pięćdziesiątych

Działalność Karola Lewkowicza – przyczynek do powstania orientacji prokrajowej na emigracji

Jest tylko jedna Polska. Bolesław Świderski – emigrant w służbie Polski Ludowej

A Legal Row Between the Émigré Polish Daily & Soldier’s Daily and The Polish Weekly (1950–1952)

Od „zamku” do Gomułki. Postawa i działalność Zygmunta Kotowicza, redaktora emigracyjnego „Głosu Powszechnego”

“No Hope Here”: Stanisław Mackiewicz in the Émigré Tygodnik

The press of the Polish political exiles in the United Kingdom and the workers’ protests in Poland in June 1976

Kraj i emigracja na łamach „Konturów” — młodzieżowej kolumny w „Dzienniku Polskim i Dzienniku Żołnierza” (1957–1960)

Zmagania o wolność. Sprawa ucieczki Antoniego Klimowicza w 1954 r.

Zanim został ministrem. O kontaktach Ryszarda Zakrzewskiego z wywiadem PRL

„Monitor Londyński” – krótki żywot pisma „zamkowych” legalistów

[Dyskusja] Stan badań nad emigracją i źródła do jej dziejów