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Attracted by the dragon or the eagle? Will China or the U.S. prevail in the Asia-Pacific in the 21st century? Review essay of Enrico Fels shifting power in Asia-Pacific? The rise of China, sino-us competition and regional middle power allegiance

100%
Grabowski M.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
|
2017
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issue 50
323-334
2

China and the U.S. in Africa: Conflict or Collaboration?

100%
Grabowski M.
Ad Americam
|
2011
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vol. 12
63-86
EN
China's quest for strategic resources in Africa (especially oil), but also for markets and political influence, created considerable fears in the American administration, as it could result in losing influence on this continent. This paper discusses Chinese engagement in Africa, focusing on the economic, political and social dimensions. Its main goal is presenting the U.S. and China's goals, as well as areas in which they both compete and collaborate, as it is important to stress that American and Chinese efforts in Africa are not necessarily on a colliding course, as in many aspects they extend into different functional and geographical areas. Hence, it's possible to see Africa as a 'normal' battlefield of globalized economy and perceive the benefits this competition can bring, especially to African countries, keeping in mind that the U.S.-IMF development model does not necessarily fit Africa, and the international system is more and more based on US-China bilateral relations. This paper presents two theoretical patterns, followed by statistical data, presenting the 'battlefield' of Africa, focusing on the main problems, main actors and, finally, resources (especially oil) and export/import partners. The goals and policies of the U.S. and China are presented in the next parts of the paper, concluded by the possible areas of cooperation between these two main external actors.
3

The Asia-Pacific Community: Conditions, Feasibility and the Role of the U.S.

100%
Grabowski M.
Ad Americam
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2010
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vol. 11
19-35
EN
This article discusses Australian PM's proposal of creating an Asia Pacific Community. It presents a theoretical basis for the integration within the Pacific Basin (including integrative potential of the region and gravity theory of trade) and the role of the Pacific Ocean as a certain stage for this organization. Four pillars of economic community (trade and investment, infrastructure, financial and monetary cooperation, regional public goods) integration are also presented, as economic community seem to be the only thing that could bring additional value to regional integration. Finally, it analyses the problem of conditions for the new institution, including problems of existing organizations of the region. As for the American role, there are three scenarios possible. In the first one, the U.S. would join the integration block, supporting the Asia-Pacific Community project by becoming a member. The second scenario supports the existing model of an East Asian integration, based on the East Asia Summit (EAS), where China's influences are balanced by U.S. allies. The third possibility, seeming to be most likely, is to join the enlarged EAS, which seems to be possible, as the U.S. acceded to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (July 2009), which is a condition of joining the EAS.
4

Korean Unification Prospects and the United States’ Policy

100%
Grabowski M.
Ad Americam
|
2013
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issue 14
37-49
EN
Korean unification seemed a conceivable prospect at the turn of the century, especially after the Inter‑Korean summit in 2000. This is not the case nowadays, however, in light of the provocative behavior of the North Korean regime in 2010, 2012 and 2013 (especially the declarations made in March 2013). Since such an option seems likely in the future, U.S. foreign policy‑makers should analyze possible scenarios for Korean integration and its influence on the regional system. The costs of such an endeavor are hard to estimate, although using German unification for comparison, we may expect that such a process could ruin the economies of both Koreas, as well as the socio‑political systems of both countries. There are even greater doubts concerning whether there is any actor in the regional scene that could support Korean unification. As for the main regional players – China, Japan and the United States – such a change would be a serious challenge. This is why it is important to focus on the German example in order to strengthen the regional trust and alliance system. The main goal of this paper is to analyze the crucial Northeast Asian challenge of American foreign policy, present the possibilities of Korean unification, assess its costs, use German unification as a point of comparison, and assess the possible influence of Korean unification on the regional system and the approaches of regional powers towards the process of creating a New Korea.
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