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Modernismus a Brentanova koncepce etiky

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EN
This articles attempts to confront “modernism” with Brentano’s rationalism, or rather his “rational theism”, especially as it is found in the work “On the origin of moral knowledge” in which ethical questions are closely linked to problems of religion. “Modernism” we characterise as basically an attempt to emancipate humanity by the power of a presuppositionless, critical Reason, which considers, in a new way, questions which were still “taboo” even during the enlightenment. In Brentano we start from the concepts of God and Love. In understanding them a whole raft of epistemological and methodological theses are involved, characteristic of Brentano practically from the time of his Psychologie… until his late work. One of our key conclusions is that Franz Brentano remained, with his rationalist belief in Providence, a critical follower of G. W. Leibniz and a “classic” modernist of the second half of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth.
EN
In this article, anwers are sought to the questions of the general context of the birth of an independent Czechoslovak state, its own self-interpretation, possible alternatives, and the legacy today. These themes are discussed in theoretical, political and historical contexts. Attention is given to the Czech political theoreticians from the second half of the nineteenth century up to the second decade of the twentieth century (František Palacký, Josef Václav Frič, Hubert Gordon Schauer, Karel Kramář). A central motif is, however, an investigation into the activities of Czech foreign emigration, at the head of which stood T. G. Masaryk for all the war years of 1914-1918. This de facto creator of the Czechoslovak state idea perceived the plan for a new republic in the most general historically-philosophical contexts of the modern struggle between theocracy and democracy. The legitimacy of the new state was, in his opinion, justified by the fact that, during the First World War, Czechs and Slovaks stood on the side of progress, humanity and democracy. Masaryk formulated the necessary conditions for the existence and long-lasting prosperity of the republic. In this he sought, up to 1915, to modify and modernise Palacky’s idea of a federalised Austria. In the year 1918, however, he reached the conclusion that the ultimate goal was to establish in central and southeastern Europe something analogous to the American Union, the elements of which were not to be nations but multinational states. Such a body was to be ideologically and culturally orientated towards the West, but politically it would remain a distinctive counter-weight. The Czechoslovak Republic would then be destined, in its existence, to be part of this formation, standing between the West and the East. This original idea of Masaryk’s was not realised. But - unlike the recurring questions about the sense of Czechoslovakia - it is an idea t
CS
V článku jsou hledány odpovědi na otázky vztahující se k obecnému kontextu vzniku samostatného československého státu, jeho vlastní sebeinterpretaci, možným alternativám a odkazu pro dnešek. Tato témata jsou probírána v teoretických, politických a historických souvislostech. Pozornost je věnována českým politickým teoretikům od druhé poloviny 19. století až druhého desetiletí 20. století (František Palacký, Josef Václav Frič, Hubert Gordon Schauer, Karel Kramář). Centrálním motivem je ovšem sledování činnosti československé zahraniční emigrace, v jejímž čele stál po celá válečná léta 1914-1918 T. G. Masaryk. Tento faktický tvůrce československé státní ideje vnímal koncept nové republiky v nejobecnějších dějinně filosofických souvislostech novodobého zápasu teokracie s demokracií. Legitimita nového státu byla dle jeho mínění ospravedlněna tím, že se Češi i Slováci za 1. světové války postavili na stranu pokroku, humanity a demokracie. Masaryk zformuloval předpoklady existence a dlouhodobější prosperity republiky. Přitom ještě do roku 1915 mu šlo o to modifikovat a modernizovat někdejší Palackého ideu federalizovaného Rakouska. V roce 1918 však již dospěl k závěru, že konečným cílem je ustavit ve střední a jihovýchodní Evropě obdobu americké Unie, jejímiž elementy by se staly nikoli národní, nýbrž mnohonárodnostní státy. Takový celek by byl ideově a kulturně orientován na Západ, ale politicky by zůstal jeho svébytnou protiváhou. Československá republika by pak byla ve své existenci osudově spjata právě s tímto útvarem, stojícím mezi Západem a Východem. Tato původní Masarykova idea nebyla realizována. Ale právě ona - a nikoliv vracející se otázky po smysluplnosti Československa - představuje i dnes námět k seriózní úvaze.
EN
Czechoslovak republic was founded and grew as a parliamentary demo¬cracy whose theoretical ideological conception was Masaryk’s idea of democracy. Masaryk was convinced that democracy, expressing the meaning of modern Western humanity, could not find itself in a crisis as such. Only democrats could fail. However, the factual development of the Czechoslovak state in the 1920’s and 1930’s manifested signs of a crisis. The question thus became one of sustainability of Masaryk’s ideas. One of the serious attempts at their critical reflection is the structurally functionalist conception of crisis of democracy offered by Josef Ludvík Fischer, a sociologist and a philosopher, who saw the root of the problem in a structural pathology, not an individual failure. The crisis can be resolved, according to Fischer, by constituting a “composable society” which respects the order of reality. Masaryk and Fisher agree that democracy needs be built on a global understanding of what there is as a whole.
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