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EN
Mieczysław (Moses) Maślanko (1903–1986) was one of the most prominent personalities among the lawyers of communist Poland between 1945 and 1956. He was born in War- saw in a Jewish family. In Warsaw, he finished his secondary education and graduated from the law department of Warsaw University in 1926. Between 1927 and 1933, he took a court and defence attorney internship and became a registered attorney. During the German occupation of Poland in 1939–1945, he was persecuted by the Ger- mans. Until 1943, he was kept prisoner in the Warsaw Ghetto where he was appointed Chairman of the Disciplinary Court at the Judenrat. Between April 1943 and May 1945, he was imprisoned in the Majdanek concentration camp, Auschwitz concentration camp, and Sachsenhausen concentration camp. Upon his return to Warsaw, he resumed his work as attorney. He specialised in criminal cases. The communist authorities allowed him to participate in the court trials of the regime opponents. He defended (participated) in political trials before military courts and before the so-called “secret courts-martial” which in fact were a travesty of justice. He was admitted to the register of court-martial attorneys and his name showed also in the “secret registers”, i.e. of attorneys who were authorised to participate in secret trials. His contribution to the most famous trials of the opponents of the communist regime was to support the statements of the prosecution. In 1946-1956, he was a member of the Supreme Council of Attorneys (Bar association) which was in fact filled by way of a decision of the Minister of Justice. After 1956, the attorneys representation bodies filed several disciplinary cases against him. After 1956, he continued to work as a criminal defence attorney.
EN
The author presents a genesis and analyzes the symbolism of the Memorial to the Victims of Communism in Tallinn. It focuses on conceptual assumptions adopted by its authors, but also takes into account later interpretations of the monument’s message. It recalls historical events the memorial site relates to. It describes the period of the Soviet occupation of Estonia and presents the balance of repressions made at that time - mass arrests, secret executions, deportations of people, and brutal collectivization of agriculture. The historical context outlined in such way allows for a better understanding of significance of the monument in question and its place on the memory map of contemporary Estonia. The author also notes that Tallinn’s monument is an important element of not only Estonian, but also - more broadly - of the European memory of the victims of Stalinism and Communism.
PL
Autor przedstawia genezę i analizuje symbolikę Memoriału Ofiar Komunizmu w Tallinie. Skupia się na założeniach koncepcyjnych przyjętych przez jego autorów, ale też bierze pod uwagę dokonywane później interpretacje przesłania monumentu. Przywołuje wydarzenia, do których odnosi się to miejsce pamięci. Opisuje okres sowieckiej okupacji Estonii i przedstawia bilans dokonywanych w tamtym czasie represji - masowych aresztowań, potajemnych egzekucji, deportacji ludności i brutalnej kolektywizacji rolnictwa. Tak zarysowany kontekst historyczny pozwala lepiej zrozumieć znaczenie opisywanego pomnika i jego miejsce na mapie pamięci współczesnej Estonii. Autor zwraca jednocześnie uwagę, że talliński pomnik stanowi istotny element nie tylko estońskiej, ale też - szerzej - europejskiej pamięci o ofiarach stalinizmu i komunizmu.
EN
An election campaign is usually run on many fields. The most important of these are naturally the media, which are one of the main communication channels with voters. Various tools are used, including materials presented during allocated party political broadcasts on the radio. The author reviews what materials were presented by the two main committees taking part in the 2015 parliamentary campaign – the Law and Justice [PiS] and the Civic Platform [PO] parties. The analysis covers the overall message, the reconstruction of the main communicated points as well as employed rhetorical devices.
PL
Kampania wyborcza toczy się zwykle na wielu polach. Do najważniejszych należą oczywiście media, które stanowią jeden z głównych kanałów komunikacji kandydatów z wyborcami. Wśród wykorzystywanych do tego narzędzi znajdują się materiały emitowane w ramach obligatoryjnych radiowych audycji wyborczych. Autor sprawdza, jakie materiały zaprezentowały dwa główne komitety startujące w kampanii parlamentarnej w 2015 roku – Prawo i Sprawiedliwość oraz Platforma Obywatelska. Analizuje ich przekaz, rekonstruuje ich główne przesłania oraz wykorzystane środki retoryczne.
EN
The author analyzes the parliamentary campaign in Poland in 2011 and investigates politicians’ opinions about Germany and German people. He poses a question of the contexts in which this theme emerged. He attempts to define whether the candidates were referring more frequently to past events and history or to plans for the future. The research conducted by the author revealed that in comparison to the previous campaigns year 2011 brought a noticeable change in political agenda. Similarly to the earlier pre-election seasons’ discussions about Germany there was hints about the past and historical issues however there was a relatively substantial amount of narrative dedicated to present problems in Polish-German relations especially in the context of the economy
EN
The author makes an attempt to portray ‘the memory map’, i.e. the ways of relating to the past in the postwar Poland reality. He points to educating history, erecting monuments, creating museums and memorials, war memories, vetting, etc. He points out the essential differences between the actions relating to the past in People’s Republic of Poland and in Poland after 1989. The author comes to the conclusion that during most of the postwar period Polish society perceived the past events only – or at least mainly – in the category of a victim. In Polish mentality has been deeply rooted a picture of a Polish man who is suffering and is being hurt by the German aggressor. This image has become an archetype and one of the most significant elements of the national identity.
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EN
The article is devoted to the questions of ethical dilemmas of political scientists’ appearance in the media. Scientists provide political commentary for print, broadcast, and webbased media. It is a very important part of the public opinion process. As opinion leaders political scientists can play a strategic role in the public sphere. They act as filters of ideas and information. The author refers to the consequences of their existence in two worlds – in the world of science and in the world of media. He asks, what difficulties they might face in their work and what choices they will have to make. The article calls for discussion on contemporary identity condition of political scientists, who are nowadays not only intellectuals, teachers, professionals, but also experts who observe and comment on political reality.
Zeszyty Prasoznawcze
|
2014
|
vol. 57
|
issue 2
221-233
EN
The article is devoted to the questions of ethical dilemmas of political activists’ appearance in the media. The author utilizes the results of monitoring the national radio and TV stations and asks – who is the leader of the media? Who is allowed to speak? Who is recognized as an authority? The article tries to re-create the picture of political leaders and their political agenda. In this context the author calls for a public debate on this issue and discussion on contemporary political reality
EN
The study consists of two parts. The first part is an analysis of the issue already mentioned in the title, while the second part contains redacted sources (they will be published in the next issue). The aim of the study is to present the so-called open meeting of the ‘Basic Party Organization’ of the Polish United Workers’ Party [PZPR], operating at the Bar Association in Warsaw, which took place in the last days of October 1956, during the so-called political thaw. This ‘open meeting’ was meant to be interpreted – according to the intention of its organizers from the PZPR – in the context of the so-called de-Stalinization at the Warsaw Bar. The course of this meeting, however, proves that the real intention of the Basic Party Organization within the Warsaw Bar was not to de-Stalinize, but to quickly close the question of accountability for the 1945-1956 period.
PL
Opracowanie składa się z dwóch części. Część pierwsza to analiza tytułowego zagadnienia zaś część drugą stanowią opracowane źródła (opublikowane zostaną w następnym zeszycie). Celem studium jest ukazanie tzw. otwartego zebrania Podstawowej Organizacji Partyjnej Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej, funkcjonującej przy Izbie Adwokackiej w Warszawie, które odbyło się w ostatnich dniach października 1956 r., w okresie tzw. odwilży politycznej. Owo „otwarte zebranie” miało oznaczać – wedle zamiaru jego organizatorów z PZPR – przeprowadzenie tzw. destalinizacji w adwokaturze izby warszawskiej. Przebieg tego zebrania przekonuje jednak, że prawdziwym zamiarem POP przy IA w Warszawie była nie destalinizacja, ale szybkie zamknięcie kwestii rozliczenia okresu lat 1945-1956.
EN
The study consists of two parts. The first part (published in issue no. 7) is an analysis of the issue already mentioned in the title, while the second part contains redacted sources. The aim of the study is to present the so-called open meeting of the ‘Basic Party Organization’ of the Polish United Workers’ Party [PZPR], operating at the Bar Association in Warsaw, which took place in the last days of October 1956, during the so-called political thaw. This ‘open meeting’ was meant to be interpreted – according to the intention of its organizers from the PZPR – in the context of the so-called de-Stalinization at the Warsaw Bar. The course of this meeting, however, proves that the real intention of the Basic Party Organization within the Warsaw Bar was not to de-Stalinize, but to quickly close the question of accountability for the 1945-1956 period. The document presented in the second part of the study is the Protocol of the open session of the Basic Party Organization of the Polish United Workers’ Party, operating at the Bar Association in Warsaw, of October 26 and 30, 1956. It has not been published in whole or in part so far.
PL
Opracowanie składa się z dwóch części. Część pierwsza to analiza tytułowego zagadnienia (opublikowana w nr 7) zaś część drugą, zamieszczoną poniżej, stanowią opracowane źródła. Celem studium jest ukazanie przebiegu tzw. otwartego zebrania Podstawowej Organizacji Partyjnej [dalej: POP] Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej [dalej: PZPR], funkcjonującej przy Izbie Adwokackiej [dalej: IA] w Warszawie, które odbyło się w ostatnich dniach października 1956 r., w okresie tzw. odwilży politycznej. Owo „otwarte zebranie” miało oznaczać – wedle zamiaru jego organizatorów z PZPR – przeprowadzenie tzw. destalinizacji w adwokaturze izby warszawskiej. Przebieg tego zebrania przekonuje jednak, że prawdziwym zamiarem POP przy IA w Warszawie była nie destalinizacja, ale szybkie zamknięcie kwestii rozliczenia okresu lat 1945-1956.
EN
This material is about the meeting of the State National Council on August 15, 1944, in Lublin. It consists of two parts: the monographic paper and the source document (minutes from the meeting). The issue was not examined from a historical and legal perspectives after 1990, even though it refers to crucial problems of the Polish legal system between 1944 and 1989. An analysis of the above-mentioned protocol demonstrates the scale of rule of law violations, which were at the roots of the People’s Poland (1944-1952) and the Polish People’s Republic (1952). A quasi-parliament (the State National Council) confirmed on August 15, 1944, the decrees which were enacted by an organ not only without powers to do so, but also non-existing in legal terms (the Polish Committee of National Liberation). In this issue of “The Voice of Law”, the first part – the monographic paper – is published.
PL
Poniżej publikowany materiał dotyczy posiedzenia Krajowej Rady Narodowej odbytego w dniu 15 sierpnia 1944 r. w Lublinie. Składa się ono z dwóch części: artykułu monograficznego oraz opracowanego dokumentu źródłowego (protokołu tego posiedzenia). Zagadnienie to nie było badane historyczno-prawnie po 1990 r., mimo że dotyczy zagadnień kluczowych dla ustroju Polski w latach 1944-1989. Analiza ww. protokołu unaocznia ogrom naruszeń praworządności, które legły u podstaw tzw. Polski Ludowej (lata 1944-1952) i PRL (1952). Niby-sejm (KRN) zatwierdził 15 sierpnia 1944 r. dekrety, które wydał organ nie tylko nie posiadający uprawnień do ich wydawania, ale nadto nieistniejący prawnie (PKWN). W niniejszym numerze „Głosu Prawa” zamieszczamy pierwszą część: opracowanie monograficzne.
EN
The article focuses on the issue of election silence, the range of its applicability and significance for the Polish democratic system. It describes in detail the legal perspective of the phenomenon at the same time illustrating its actual impact on the functioning of party competition and electoral decision-making process. The primary goal of this paper is to present the results of empirical studies on the importance of pre-election polls for the development of the actual support of voters. Empirical verification has been applied to a thesis which assumes that the publication of opinion polls in support of candidates or political parties during election campaigns should be forbidden longer than just during election silence. The results were also correlated with the declared political preferences of the respondents, which allowed the author a more detailed analysis of the revealed regularities.
EN
The author analyses the permanent exhibition devoted to the Holocaust at the Vilna Gaon State Jewish Museum (Vilniaus Gaono žydų Istorijos muziejus). He tries to find out what the place of the youngest victims of the Holocaust is in the narrative line of the exhibition. He asks whether there are separate elements of the permanent exhibition devoted to them or the children's fates are "inscribed" in the general message about the events documented there. Are the creators of the museum focused on the tragic dimension of children's fates or do they present them through the prism of heroic deeds showing the individuals who performed them? Thus – is the death of the victims or the death of the heroes at the centre of the message? And finally – is there a place to present the Survivors? The research, the results of which are presented in the paper, is also an aim to answer whether the narrative line of the museum is devoted to specific individuals or to a community of anonymous participants of war events. The central point is also if the museum's message focuses just on presenting facts or goes beyond this area and includes the space for promoting specific values. In other words: is there a place for axiological elements in addition to the cognitive sphere? Is the goal just education focused on passing on reliable knowledge or on the process of socio-political education, the aim of which is to create specific moral attitudes?
PL
Autor analizuje stałą wystawę poświęconą Holokaustowi, prezentowaną w Muzeum Żydowskim w Wilnie (Vilniaus Gaono žydų Istorijos muziejus/Vilna Gaon State Jewish Museum). Sprawdza, jakie miejsce zajmują najmłodsze ofiary Zagłady w linii narracyjnej tej ekspozycji? Pyta, czy poświęcone są im odrębne elementy stałej wystawy, czy raczej dziecięce losy są „wpisane” w ogólny przekaz dotyczący dokumentowych tutaj wydarzeń? Czy twórcy placówki skupili się na tragicznym wymiarze dziecięcych losów czy raczej zaprezentowali je przez pryzmat bohaterskich czynów i dokonujących ich postaci? A zatem – czy w centrum przekazu znalazła się śmierć ofiar czy śmierć bohaterów? I wreszcie – czy jest tu miejsce na prezentowanie Ocalonych? Badania, których efekty prezentowane są w artykule, dotyczą również tego, czy narracja w muzeum jest poświęcona konkretnym, indywidualnym postaciom czy raczej społeczności anonimowych uczestników wojennych wydarzeń. W centrum zainteresowania znajduje się również pytanie o to, czy muzealny przekaz zatrzymuje się na poziomie prezentacji faktów, czy wychodzi poza ten obszar i obejmuje również przestrzeń promowania określonych wartości. Innymi słowy – czy obok sfery kognitywnej jest tu także miejsce dla elementów aksjologicznych? Czy celem jest jedynie edukacja skupiona na przekazywaniu rzetelnej wiedzy – czy raczej proces kształcenia społeczno-politycznego, którego celem staje się kreowanie określonych postaw moralnych?
EN
THE AUTHOR PRESENTS research results from materials of the Polish Film Chronicle in the years 1944–1994. He shows the way, in which the Feast May, 1st was created there. He points out the main ideas and slogans that were used during this Feast and presented in the Chronicle. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the Chronicle has for years presented this Labor Day as a happy, spontaneous feast of peace celebrated by many people from different social classes which also gave them the opportunity to meet the leading representatives of the authority. Of course this representation was not accidentally shown to the society. This is what the machinery of communist state expected using the Polish Film Chronicle (PKF) to create a certain vision of the world, not necessarily compatible with the truth.
PL
W jaki sposób Jad Waszem eksponuje historie najmłodszych uczestników wojny? Jaką rolę odgrywają dzieci w prezentowanej ekspozycji? Czy jest im poświęcona odrębna wystawa, czy ich losy są wpisane w ogólną narrację? Czy w centrum przekazu znajduje się śmierć ofiar, czy może śmierć bohaterów? I wreszcie – czy mamy tu do czynienia z dziecięcym bohaterem zbiorowym, czy raczej ze zbiorem indywidualnych historii i biografii młodych osób znanych z imienia i nazwiska? Autor poszukuje odpowiedzi na te pytania, analizując linię narracyjną Muzeum Historii Holokaustu w Instytucie Jad Waszem w Jerozolimie. Stwierdza, że zorganizowana tu wystawa stała koncentruje się na utraconym i przerwanym życiu. Dominuje w niej perspektywa ofiar wojennego dramatu rozpętanego przez nazistowskie Niemcy, a głos oddano tu przede wszystkim – żyjącym i nieżyjącym – cywilnym ofiarom okupacji, wojny i Zagłady.
EN
How does Yad Vashem Institute presents the stories of the youngest participants in the war? What role do children play in its narrative? Do the authors of the exhibition devote separate exhibition to them – or are the children’s fates ‘inscribed’ in the overall message about history? Is the death of victims or the death of heroes at the centre of the message? Is the museum presentation dedicated to specific, individual figures or rather to communities of anonymous participants in wartime events? The author of the article addresses those questions by analysing the narrative line of the Holocaust History Museum (Yad Vashem) in Jerusalem. The research conducted show that the Holocaust story presented in this place focuses on the loss and suffering that resulted in interrupted lives. The perspective of the victims dominates the exhibition analysed. The civilian victims of occupation and Genocide are at the centre of the exhibition.
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