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EN
Dogmatic neoliberal claim that “the less state intervention, the better” not only caused the crisis, but also blinds us to its real causes. Neoliberals and parts of the public influenced by them fail to notice that the system of housing credits created during the New Deal era worked well until the financial market was deregulated. While amending this market one should remember the views of Adam Smith, who emphasized the role of both market and the state in guarding values on which capitalism has been built.
PL
The 2007+ financial crisis, which also had an impact on real economy, paradoxically resulted in an increase of states’ activity in economy and in the growth of expectations of citizens towards states. The crisis makes them see the state as the only institution able to guarantee financial and social safety as well as orderly development of global economy in future. The article tries to answer the following question: is the state able to secure that feeling of safety and society’s ability to develop, and will the incoming crises influence the modification of horizontal and vertical extent of functions of the modern state? The question whether modern states modernize or not, disregarding economic, social, cultural and military crises, is also a subject of preliminary analysis. The 2007+ economic crisis caused an increase in state activities in fields both related to economic problems and providing social and financial safety for citizens. The modernization of state institutions (the state considered as ontological being, i.e. is not identified with any present day state) is not related to crises. The internal institutions of state, as parliaments and executive are also modernized to a certain extent. The analyses of Scandinavian, US and Canadian parliaments included in the article prove that the parliaments use the legislative possibilities and increase the scope of control activities performed during crisis. Occasionally this leads to constitution infringement (US Congress). On other occasions special parliamentary commissions and direct democracy institutions are used (Iceland). During a crisis a phenomenon of „financial world imperialism” emerges. It is something more than financialization of real economy (industrial, services and agriculture). It is a trend leading to the  subordination of all the other spheres of activity of states and societies, including politics, law and culture. It is observed in contemporary highly developed societies as well as in some countries of „peripheral capitalism”. This trend is visible when democracy is used, including parliamentary procedures and decision-making processes in executive, to advance special interests of the financial world, its continuity and its profits.
PL
The author begins with a brief description of the essential political institutions of Iceland, as a republic with a parliamentary cabinet form of government and the special role of the president, arguing with the point of views that Iceland should be seen as a state with a semi-presidential form of government. Describing the political situation before the banking crisis, the author underlines the strong position of the Independence Party, which according to the results of the parliamentary elections (elections in 2007), plays a leading role in the "political life" of the state. The author pays attention to the process of oligarchisation in that party and the informal systems of social-network-based links and pathological links between the worlds of politics and business. Growing since the 90s, the dominance of a few family clans, together with the deregulation and privatization of the economy, led to nepotism and lack of accountability on the part of politicians and business representatives. An expansion of the three largest Icelandic banks Landsbanki, Kaupthing and Glitnir, without any significant criticism and state control, has led to a situation where at the end of 2008 their assets were 10-fold greater than the GDP of Iceland. Loss of confidence in the interbank markets after the collapse of Lehman Brothers in the U.S., caused inhibition of liquidity and consequently the collapse of these banks, eventually acquired by the state. The most spectacular was the collapse of Icesave - the Internet branch of Landsbanki operating in the UK and the Netherlands. The disintegration of the banking system led to a disintegration of the coalition government. Early elections in April 2009, won by the Social Democratic Alliance and the Left-Green Movement, led to the formation of a center-left government of Prime Minister, Ms J. Sigur?ardóttir. The first major action was the government's reorientation of foreign policy and submitting an application for EU membership, and the subsequent arrangement of the debts after the collapse of these banks, reform of the central bank and banking supervisors, the establishment of a parliamentary committee to investigate the banking crisis and identify those responsible, the appointment of a special Prosecutor investigating violations of law during privatization of the banking sector and the actions taken on the eve of the crisis. The article contains the constitutional and legal analysis of the first and second so-called referendum. on Icesave, conducted after the President vetoed a further act concerning Iceland's agreements with its creditors - the United Kingdom and the Netherlands. As a result, residents of Iceland have not agreed to repay debts incurred without any fault on their part and through arrogance, incompetence and greed of the financial elite and the political managers controlling the banking system. This puts into question the country's future membership in the EU. The government, despite the opposition to the proposal made by a vote of no confidence, which fell, still take the difficult decisions associated with the revitalization of the banking system and economy of Iceland and improve its international image.
XX
Strategia Lizbońska to plan działań, mający na celu poprawę międzynarodowej konkurencyjności gospodarek państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej, przyjęty przez Radę Europejską podczas obrad w Lizbonie w dniach 23-24 marca 2000 roku. Głównym celem Strategii, według jej twórców, jest dorównanie głównemu konkurentowi UE – Stanom Zjednoczonym i przekształcenie ugrupowania integracyjnego w najbardziej konkurencyjną, opartą na wiedzy gospodarkę na świecie, zdolną do utrzymania zrównoważonego wzrostu gospodarczego, stworzeniu większej liczby miejsc pracy oraz zachowania spójności społecznej. Strategia, zdaniem autora, nie identyfikowała jednak dostatecznie podmiotów odpowiedzialnych za jej wdrażanie. Głównymi podmiotami były instytucje unijne oraz państwa członkowskie (ich naczelne organy władzy wykonawczej), jednak zbyt mało miejsca poświęcono innym podmiotom. Dotyczyło to przede wszystkim władz regionalnych i lokalnych (przede wszystkim organów administracji publicznej (samorządowej) na tych szczeblach) oraz instytucji i organizacji partnerów społecznych, zarówno na szczeblu europejskim, jak i państw członkowskich. W zasadzie poprawnie zidentyfikowano słabości gospodarki europejskiej, jednakże nie dobrano właściwych lub wystarczających podmiotów realizacyjnych do przeprowadzenia stosownych zmian. Dostrzegając inne podejście do podmiotów ważnych dla wdrażania Strategii, w tekście podjęto próbę bardziej precyzyjnego określenia roli partnerów społecznych oraz organów administracji publicznej (regionalnej i lokalnej, a w mniejszym zakresie administracji szczebla centralnego), jako tych którym wyznaczono w Strategii ważną rolę i które ponosić będą część odpowiedzialności za jej realizację. Administrację publiczną czeka w procesie realizacji Strategii Lizbońskiej swoisty test, na ile będzie potrafiła być „organizacją uczącą się” w trakcie rozstrzygania i decydowania o wielu kwestiach zawartych w priorytetach Strategii i szczegółowo określonych w kolejnych dokumentach unijnych.
PL
Autorzy podjęli się analizy zjawiska zadłużenia jednostek samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce. Jest to zjawisko dynamiczne, które dotyczy zdecydowanej większości gmin i powiatów. Barierę dla ekspansji zadłużenia stanowi istniejący od 2014 roku Indeks Długu Indywidualnego (IOI), którego nowe elementy weszły w życie 1 stycznia 2020 roku. Struktura indeksu ma na celu umożliwienie regionalnym izbom rachunkowym (RIO) kontrolowania tego procesu i zapobiegania jego postępowi. Autorzy wskazują jednak, że głównym problemem dla jednostek samorządu terytorialnego są niewystarczające dochody własne, co zmusza je do zwiększenia puli środków przekazywanych z budżetu centralnego do samorządów w formie dotacji i subwencji oraz do poszukiwania różnych form pożyczek na swoją działalność. Korzystając z doświadczeń krajów skandynawskich, autorzy proponują rozpoczęcie reform terytorialnych i konsolidacyjnych zasobów małych jednostek samorządu terytorialnego – gmin i powiatów. Celem jest ułatwienie lepszego wykorzystania endogenicznych zasobów JST oraz wykorzystanie korzyści skali związanych z lokalną gospodarką i zasobami społecznymi. Powinno to zaowocować, podobnie jak w Skandynawii, rozwojem przedsiębiorczości publicznej, większą efektywnością i skutecznością społeczną oraz stabilizacją dochodów poszczególnych jednostek. Po ponad 20 latach działalności małe jednostki samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce stały się strukturalnie i funkcjonalnie przestarzałe i nie gwarantują nowoczesnego rozwoju społeczności lokalnych.
EN
The authors have undertaken an analysis of the phenomenon of debt of local government units in Poland. It is a dynamic phenomenon, which affects vast majority of municipalities and districts. A barrier to debt expansion has been established in the form of the Individual Debt Index (IOI), which has been in place since 2014 and its new elements entered into force on 1 January 2020. The structure of the index is intended to allow regional accounting chambers (RIO) to control the process and prevent its progression. The authors indicate, however, that the main problem for local self-government units is insufficient own income, which forces them to increase the pool of funds transferred from the central budget to self-governments in the form of grants and subventions and to look for various forms of loans for their activities. Using the experience of the Scandinavian countries, the authors propose to start territorial and resource consolidation reforms of small local government units – municipalities and districts. The aim is to facilitate better use of endogenous resources of territorial self-government units and use of economies of scale related to local economy and social resources. This should result, as in Scandinavia, in the development of public entrepreneurship, higher social efficiency and effectiveness, and stabilisation of the income of individual units. After more than 20 years of operation, small local government units in Poland have become structurally and functionally obsolete and do not guarantee modern development of local communities.
PL
The primary objective of this paper is to present preparations to the European Parliament elections and their course in Poland on all three occasions (in 2004, 2009 and 2014). Election results and political platforms are included in the text as are analyses of the influence of the elections on the changes within Poland’s party system and of electoral laws regarding European Parliament elections.
PL
Artykuł porusza kwestię wyborów do Parlamentu Europejskiego w Polsce. Autorzy omawiają przepisy wyborcze i kontekst instytucjonalny do wyborów. Wybrali oni wybory w 2014 r. Na tle historycznych wyborów do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2004 i 2009 roku. Autorzy podkreślają, że najważniejszym wyzwaniem związanym z wyborami jest niska frekwencja. Głównymi przyczynami stanu rzeczy jest niska jakość wiedzy o instytucjach europejskich oraz niezadowolenie społeczne obywateli Polski z sytuacji ekonomicznej i politycznej zarówno w Europie, jak i w Polsce.
EN
The paper addresses the issue of the election to the European Parliament in Poland. The authors discuss the electoral regulations and the institutional background to the election.They put the 2014 election against the historic background of the 2004 and 2009 elections to the European Parliament. The authors emphasise that the most important challenge in terms of the elections is the low turnout. The major reasons for the state of affairs are the low quality of the knowledge of the European institutions and the social discontent of the Polish citizens with the economic and political situation both in Europe and Poland.
EN
The authors aimed to examine the phenomenon of indebtedness on the part of the local self-government units in Poland. The situation is evolving, and as such it pertains to an overwhelming majority of municipalities and counties. The barrier to increased indebtedness was established in the form of a unit-specific debt indicator, which came into force in 2014, and the amendments came into existence on the 1st of January, 2020. The composition of the indicator aims to allow the Regional Chambers of Auditors to monitor the proceedings and prevent continued deterioration. However, the authors indicate that the crux of the issue that the local self-government units face is the insufficient revenue they generate, which calls for an increased allocation of central budgetary funds to the local selfgovernment units in the form of grants and subsidies as well as the designing of numerous ways to finance their operations. Drawing upon the experiences gained by other states, the authors postulate the launch of the territorial and resource-based consolidation reforms on the part of the lower local self-government units – municipalities. This is believed to enhance a more effective leveraging of the endogenous resources on the part of the local selfgovernment units, maximising the economies of scale that pertain to the local economy as well as societal resources. The lower local self-government units in Poland were established over 20 years ago. Since the establishment, the units have come to represent the entities that are ineffective in a structural and functional manner. Furthermore, they fail to ensure the modern development path of local communities. The examination that has been conducted validates the need for reforms and it portrays the currents behind.
PL
The study attempts to present the most important facts related to the history of Kazakhstan. The paper also aims at introducing some theoretical remarks on the genesis and characteristics of states existing in different periods in Central Asia, particularly regarding Kazakh Khanate.
EN
There are also theoretical issues such as: adequacy of this discipline of knowledge to the analysis of the realities of public action in Poland. This issue arises due to the fact that public policy emerged as a discipline of knowledge in the Anglo-Saxon tradition, on the basis of its specificity. Moreover, the theories evident in public policy science have been developed in the West, mainly in America. The local realities were the basis. Therefore, the question arises whether we should build our theories or adapt those that have been developed elsewhere. Meanwhile, we do not have many or even most elements of the Anglo-Saxon tradition, even in terms of the size of our analytical achievements. We are not even inclined to conduct such an advanced analysis of social and economic phenomena. Hence, it seems important to me to ask about the theoretical potential of this discipline in relation to the analysis of public activities in Poland.
PL
Istnieją także kwestie teoretyczne typu: adekwatność tej dyscypliny wiedzy do analizy realiów działania publicznego w Polsce. To zagadnienie rysuje się ze względu na fakt, że polityka publiczna wyłoniła się jako dyscyplina wiedzy w tradycji anglosaskiej, na gruncie jej specyfiki. Ponadto, teorie widoczne w nauce o polityce publicznej zostały wypracowane na Zachodzie, głównie w Ameryce. Bazą były tamtejsze realia. Pojawia się zatem pytanie, czy mamy budować swoje teorie, czy adaptować te, które wypracowano gdzie indziej. Tymczasem my nie mamy wielu czy nawet większości elementów tradycji anglosaskiej, choćby w sensie rozmiaru dorobku analitycznego. Nie mamy nawet skłonności do prowadzenia tak zaawansowanej analizy zjawisk społecznych i ekonomicznych. Stąd istotne wydaje mi się pytanie o potencjał teoretyczny tej dyscypliny w odniesieniu do analizy działań publicznych w Polsce.
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