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The reform of the Frontex Agency in the view of the principal-agent model. A case study of an attempt of supranationalisation

100%
Bornio J.
Przegląd Europejski
|
2018
|
issue 3(49)
179-190
EN
This article is an analysis of the attempt of the European Commission to gain more independence and new competences throughout the process of the Frontex reform. Study of the mechanism of the attempt of supranationalisation and its final results constitute the main research problem of this analysis. The principal-agent model and its assumptions served as an analytical and theoretical framework for this study. Additionally, the explanatory capability and general assumptions of the principal-agent model were verified. Therefore, the article is partly a theoretical research, too. The study showed that the attempt of the European Commission to gain new competences was effectively hindered by the member states. It has been proved that the principal-agent model is useful in the examination of an attempt of supranationalisation.
PL
W niniejszym artykule zbadano, w jaki sposób Komisja Europejska podczas reformy Agencji Frontex próbowała uzyskać niezależność i zdobyć nowe kompetencje. Analiza mechanizmów próby supranacjonalizacji oraz jej końcowy efekt stały się głównym problemem badawczym niniejszego opracowania. Podstawą teoretyczną analizy jest model mocodawca-agent. W artykule dodatkowo zweryfikowano użyteczność eksplanacyjną modelu i jego główne założenia, przez co artykuł posiada również walor badania teoretycznego. Badanie wykazało, że próba uzyskania przez Komisję Europejską nowych kompetencji została efektywnie zablokowana przez państwa członkowskie. Udowodniono użyteczność modelu mocodawca-agent w badaniu prób usamodzielniania się agenta.
2
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Europa Środkowo-Wschodnia we współczesnych rosyjskich koncepcjach geopolitycznych

100%
Bornio J.
Wschodnioznawstwo
|
2017
|
issue 11
85-108
EN
No doubt that the region of East-Central Europe is the field of interests of contemporary Russian geopolitics and is believed to be special influence zone for Kremlin decision makers. The article analysed the ideas of three main schools of contemporary Russian geopolitics, which are Atlanticism, Neo-Eurasianism and „Island-Russia”. Although each of them refers to the different image of Russia and its role in the international politics, they also have something in common i.e. reconstruction of the empire. Dmitri Trenin who represents the Atlanticism considers Russia as a part of the Western world, with whom it should establish the new international community. Aleksandr Dugin the most influential representative of Neo-Euroasianism believes that Russia should rebuild great Eurasian Empire, while Vadim Tsymbursky in his concept of „Island-Russia” want Russia to be separated from outer civilizations. The same applies to their geopolitical plans toward the region of East-Central Europe. Their ideas differ from each other, but still one may find convergent postulates. The most coherent among their concepts is a common perception of the subregion referred to by Trenin as the „new Eastern Europe”, which contains territory of today’s Belarus and Ukraine. Regardless of whether the researchers represent a liberal Atlanticism school or a realistic Neo-Eurasianism school, everyone agrees on the key importance of that territory for the Russian geopolitical identity. Tsymbursky also considers Belarus and left-blank Ukraine as the most important areas of the „western Limitrof”. It is worth noting that both Trenin and Dugin are ready to „give up sovereignty” over the territory of the Baltic States. Trenin accepts their westernization, while Dugin puts them into German influence zone to satisfy Berlin’s imperial ambitions. This may prove that regardless of preferred theoretical approach, Russians treat Ukraine and Belarus as an impassable for western influence border. Ideas of Russian geopoliticians to make use of the region may threaten East‑ Central European countries. This results from the treatment of this territory as an area that should be absorbed by the neighboring empires or be functioning as a buffer zone. East-Central Europe is an area of competition between the West and Russia for both Dugin and Tsymbursky. They wish the region not to be absorbed by the „core of Europe”. Only Trenin accepts sovereign choices of the nations from East-Central Europe and does not recognize their willingness to integrate with the western structures as a threat to Russia. One should bear in mind however that Atlanticism approach does not reflect Russian way of political thinking nowadays. Certainly, the ideas of Aleksander Dugin and Vadim Tsymbursky are much more influential, especially while referring them to the political activity of Kremlin as well as the Russian imagination of their country and its role in the global chessboard. Nevertheless, due to the high influence of Russian geopolitical doctrines on the political circles in Moscow, awareness of them – especially among the countries of the region – is more than required. Moreover, because of their strong correlation with the paradigm of realism, they may become a valuable material for analyzing the current and prospective activities of the Russian Federation and make possible to understand Russian geopolitical identity and its perception of the world.
3
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Israeli-Ukrainian Relations after ‘the Euromaidan Revolution’ – the Holocaust and the New Ukrainian Identity in the Context of the European Aspirations of Ukraine

100%
Bornio J.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
|
2018
|
vol. 2 (47)
331-345
EN
The Euromaidan revolution totally reoriented Ukraine’s policy in both internal and external dimensions. The new Ukrainian authorities facing Russian aggression and domestic instability started to build a new national identity in order to consolidate social cohesion. Due to the fact that Kiev’s new historical narrative glorifies the Ukrainian nationalists from the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) who contributed to the Holocaust of Jews and committed mass murders on the representatives of other nationalities, such a policy may be a serious obstacle in the context of Ukraine’s external relations. The present article investigates particularly Israeli-Ukrainian relations after the Euromaidan revolution. The article analyses the impact of the new Ukrainian identity on bilateral relations as well as attempting to answer whether or not it may influence Kiev’s cooperation with the European Union. The article contains a brief description of the new identity building process in the post-Euromaidan Ukraine with special consideration of those elements of it, which are related to “Ukrainian Nationalism”.
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