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PRZEŁOM CZY KONTYNUACJA? CENZURA W OBLICZU POLSKIEGO PAŹDZIERNIKA 19561, CZ. 2

100%

Gogol B.

Colloquium Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych AMW

|

2017

|

issue 2

5-26

EN

The present article is a contribution to the history of post-war preventive censorship in the Polish People’s Republic, as well as an attempt to grasp the full scale of manipulations perpetrated against both authors and audience of the censored media — literally of ‘fabricating’ of other people’s texts. The purposes of institutional censorship were constant, prior to and after 1956. In brief, they consisted in: permanent, preventive control of all mass media, of each, even the most simple, piece of information publicised in any way. The censorship, in its official capacity, was interested in publications in all walks of life. The scale of the censoring is astonishing, even today. The presence of introductory, preventive censorship in Poland was commonly known, but its actual scale, basis and content of interferences or confi scations were kept secret from public. It was a mechanism precisely controlled through secret or confi dential regulations. important is the evaluation of meticulousness of the censorial interferences of the ‘red pencil’ and their accuracy to the intentions of the authors of regulations — decision-makers from the Polish United Workers’ Party or state institutions. These regulations determined a field of activity for a censor; they regulated information meant for a Jan Kowalski, an ordinary Polish citizen. They reveal ‘obsessions’ of the state authorities in the period of Polish Stalinism, for instance in the specific scope of state secrets. The control over the expression was only one of many duties of the censorship. An important matter was to present a consultative role of the office, appraisal of the work done by editorial staff, publishers, writers, journalists and even scientific researchers. Censure reduced or intensified its operation according to the actual situation in the country and the policy of the state authorities. There was a difference between its work before and after ‘the Thaw’ of October 1956. Each of the two periods had its own censoring obsessions and priorities. After the parliamentary elections of January 1947 a monopoly over the propaganda information was imposed, in a spilit of Stalinism leaving its stamp on almost all spheres of public life. Censorship played in the process a role of orthodox guard of the unreal image of the political system being imposed on the country. After 1956, in the wake of the October Thaw, its role changed a little but did not weaken. It is evident in the fact that censors themselves began to call into question some of the regulations but it had no infl uence on the core of censoring operations. The decree on censorship was not changed. The extent of censorial control was not thoroughly specified and the scale of information manipulation was not reduced. After a short reorganizational chaos censors carried out their duties on the basis of methods worked out in the first years of the existence of the office. The final year of 1958 was marked by an evident end of the Thaw, the ban on criticising ‘the Party line’, and a beginning of the so-called Little Stabilisation, in maintaining of which censorship was to play an important role, thus the usefulness of its existence for the regime was not discredited.

2

CENZURA A KASZUBSKI SEPARATYZM. WOJEWÓDZKI URZĄD KONTROLI PRASY, PUBLIKACJI I WIDOWISK W GDAŃSKU WOBEC DWUTYGODNIKA „KASZËBË” 1957–1961

100%

Gogol B.

Colloquium Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych AMW

|

2017

|

issue 3

55-79

EN

Gdansk Pomerania supervising the transfer of information was considered very important in shaping the mood among both Kashubians and immigrant population after 1945. Widely understood "topic Kashubian", Kashubian regionalism was a "special" difficult "stretch" for the Gdansk censorship. Censors suspiciously approached the specifics of the Kashubian region, deletions, or assessments periodicals guided by prejudice against Kashubians. Representatives of censorship perceived intelligence community of the Kashubians as reluctant socialist power, as potential supporters of German "revisionism". The term regionalism Kashubian replaced the term separatism. Reluctantly treated deep attachment to their own language, traditions, family, respect for property, a natural in this community ideological and religious conservatism, distrust of "outsiders". The actions of the censors in Gdansk see bias against the community, the specifics and views censors did not understand and did not accept. As a result of the thaw in 1956, for the Kashubian related to the regionalism recognized the opportunity to speak about their own needs. It appeared in the form of initiatives biweekly "Kaszëbë" published by the Association of Kashubian in the years 1957–1961. Periodical constantly was "suspect" in the eyes of Gdansk censorship, often erected Kashubian journalists objection to promote its pages separatism. The existence of this title was a kind of censorship for the missed time experiment "thaw" extremely troublesome surveillance. None of wybrzeżowych periodicals, was not so "worked on" by the censors. In censorship it was concluded that the magazine did not fulfill reported by its initiators purposes - declarations of editorial work on the approximation of the biweekly problems Kashubians Polish population, according to the Gdansk censorship and the remaining unrealized. This, clearly differed publications "Kaszëbë" many-fits publications, was not appreciated by the censors, and the difference lies in the fact that the periodical raised issues that interested Kashubians. Issuing "Kaszëbë" even without "separatist inclined towards" was discontinued, besides the active participation of censorship, at the end of 1961.

3

OBRAZY WROGA. PROPAGANDA A LUDOBÓJSTWO W XX WIEKU NA WYBRANYCH PRZYKŁADACH, GARŚĆ REFLEKSJI

100%

Gogol B.

Colloquium Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych AMW

|

2019

|

issue 1

23-58

PL

XX w. to stulecie, w którym budziły się skrajne wersje nacjonalizmów, rozwijały i upadały totalitarne systemy polityczne, stulecie związanego z nimi zjawiska nazwanego w połowie XX w. mianem ludobójstwa – metodycznej zagłady całych ludzkich społeczności realizowanej z różnych urojonych powodów. Jedne po drugich kolejne społeczności, na różnych kontynentach, padały ofiarą prób ich eksterminacji: Herero i Nama, Ormianie, liczne narodowości ZSRR przed 1956 r., Żydzi, Cyganie, Polacy, Chińczycy i Kambodżańczycy, Tutsi i bośniaccy muzułmanie. Propaganda zawsze towarzyszyła ludobójstwu, z reguły wyprzedzała ludobójcze rozkazy, była narzędziem kreującym grunt pod rzezie, ukazującym wypaczony obraz przyszłych ofiar, wzmacniającym zbrodnicze motywacje sprawców, obojętne postawy świadków masakr. Pozwalała później „rozmyć” odpowiedzialność za zbrodnie. Propaganda stale doskonaliła swoje metody w miarę rozwoju środków przekazu. Warto opisać jej rolę na kilku przykładach, w każdym z przedstawionych przypadków ludobójstwa, inicjatorzy, sprawcy, świadkowie, byli wcześniej lub w jego trakcie, poprzez przekaz propagandowy, „mowę nienawiści”, ideologiczną utopię, odpowiednio formowani w swoich poglądach, potrzebie eliminacji drugiego człowieka. Ofiary pozbawiano cech ludzkich tworząc obraz wroga absolutnego, którego należało bez skrupułów unicestwić. Pomimo kontekstu historycznego artykułu, jest to ciągle aktualna przestroga dla współczesnych.

EN

The twentieth century was the century in which the extreme versions of nationalisms were awakened, the totalitarian political systems developed, and the century of their associated phenomenon in the mid-twentieth century was called genocide – the methodological destruction of entire human communities for various imaginary reasons. One after the other successive communities, on different continents, fell victim to their extermination attempts: Herero and Nama, Armenians, different nationalities of the USSR before 1956, Jews, Gypsies, Poles, Chinese and Cambodians, Tutsi and Bosnian Muslims. Propaganda was always accompanied by genocide, as a rule it was ahead of genocidal orders, it was a tool that created the ground for the slaughter, showing a distorted picture of future victims, reinforcing the criminal motivations of the perpetrators, indifferent attitudes of witnesses to the massacres. She later allowed her to "blur" the responsibility for crimes. Propaganda constantly improved its methods as the media was developed. It is worth describing its role in a few examples, in each of the reported cases of genocide, initiators, perpetrators, witnesses, were earlier or in the process, through propaganda, "hate speech", ideological utopia, properly formed in their views, the need to eliminate another human being. Victims were deprived of human characteristics, creating an image of the absolute enemy, who was to be annihilated unscrupulously. Despite the historical context of the article, it is still a valid warning for contemporaries.

4

PRZEŁOM CZY KONTYNUACJA? CENZURA W OBLICZU POLSKIEGO PAŹDZIERNIKA 1956, CZ. 1

100%

Gogol B.

Colloquium Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych AMW

|

2016

|

issue 4

19-45

EN

The present article is a contribution to the history of post-war preventive censorship in the Polish People’s Republic, as well as an attempt to grasp the full scale of manipulations perpetrated against both authors and audience of the censored media — literally of ‘fabricating’ of other people’s texts. The purposes of institutional censorship were constant, prior to and after 1956. In brief, they consisted in: permanent, preventive control of all mass media, of each, even the most simple, piece of information publicised in any way. The censorship, in its official capacity, was interested in publications in all walks of life. The scale of the censoring is astonishing, even today. The presence of introductory, preventive censorship in Poland was commonly known, but its actual scale, basis and content of interferences or confi scations were kept secret from public. It was a mechanism precisely controlled through secret or confi dential regulations. important is the evaluation of meticulousness of the censorial interferences of the ‘red pencil’ and their accuracy to the intentions of the authors of regulations — decision-makers from the Polish United Workers’ Party or state institutions. These regulations determined a field of activity for a censor; they regulated information meant for a Jan Kowalski, an ordinary Polish citizen. They reveal ‘obsessions’ of the state authorities in the period of Polish Stalinism, for instance in the specifi c scope of state secrets. The control over the expression was only one of many duties of the censorship. An important matter was to present a consultative role of the office, appraisal of the work done by editorial staff, publishers, writers, journalists and even scientific researchers. Censure reduced or intensified its operation according to the actual situation in the country and the policy of the state authorities. There was a difference between its work before and after ‘the Thaw’ of October 1956. Each of the two periods had its own censoring obsessions and priorities. After the parliamentary elections of January 1947 a monopoly over the propaganda information was imposed, in a spilit of Stalinism leaving its stamp on almost all spheres of public life. Censorship played in the process a role of orthodox guard of the unreal image of the political system being imposed on the country. After 1956, in the wake of the October Thaw, its role changed a little but did not weaken. It is evident in the fact that censors themselves began to call into question some of the regulations but it had no infl uence on the core of censoring operations. The decree on censorship was not changed. The extent of censorial control was not thoroughly specified and the scale of information manipulation was not reduced. After a short reorganizational chaos censors carried out their duties on the basis of methods worked out in the first years of the existence of the office. The final year of 1958 was marked by an evident end of the Thaw, the ban on criticising ‘the Party line’, and a beginning of the so-called Little Stabilisation, in maintaining of which censorship was to play an important role, thus the usefulness of its existence for the regime was not discredited.

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4 Colloquium Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych AMW

1 2019

2 2017

1 2016

4 Gogol B.

PRZEŁOM CZY KONTYNUACJA? CENZURA W OBLICZU POLSKIEGO PAŹDZIERNIKA 19561, CZ. 2

CENZURA A KASZUBSKI SEPARATYZM. WOJEWÓDZKI URZĄD KONTROLI PRASY, PUBLIKACJI I WIDOWISK W GDAŃSKU WOBEC DWUTYGODNIKA „KASZËBË” 1957–1961

OBRAZY WROGA. PROPAGANDA A LUDOBÓJSTWO W XX WIEKU NA WYBRANYCH PRZYKŁADACH, GARŚĆ REFLEKSJI

PRZEŁOM CZY KONTYNUACJA? CENZURA W OBLICZU POLSKIEGO PAŹDZIERNIKA 1956, CZ. 1