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EN
Poles in the People’s Republic of Poland, the same as other societies that found themselves behind the Iron Curtain, had very limited possibilities of foreign contacts. This isolation strongly and negatively affected youth, by nature brisk and world curious. Total lack of communication with the West was attempted to be compensated by publicizing also very limited official contacts with other socialist states. Tat is why youth organizations signed cooperation agreements with brotherly associations, organized delegations’ visits or common conferences, invited foreign guests to their conventions, were members of international left-wing associations such as, e.g., World Federation of Democratic Youth, an organizer of World Festivals of Youth and Students. These contacts, however, regarded a very narrow group of activists due to substantial political risk they carried. After 1956, possibilities of foreign travel were gradually increasing. There appeared student foreign grants, mostly to socialist countries, as well as organized foreign tourism - via travel agents “Juventur” and “Almatur”, or youth “Friendship Trains”. Foreign trips or apprenticeships became a bait of official organizations, a tool to motivate and reward the members. Te participants appreciated unofficial aspects of such trips – private contacts, and the possibility of winning substantial profits in small trade in particular.
PL
Przeprowadzone badania służyły przede wszystkim określeniu zmieniającej się liczebności populacji białostockich Żydów po II wojnie światowej. Wykorzystano w tym celu dane zbierane przez żydowskie instytucje społeczne i – w mniejszym stopniu – instytucje państwowe. Wykazano, że pomimo dużego przyrostu naturalnego liczebność ta się zmniejszała na skutek ruchów wędrówkowych (głównie kilku fal emigracji do Izraela) oraz akulturacji i integracji. Z końcem XX w. społeczność ta przestała istnieć. Przeanalizowano także strukturę demograficzną i zawodową tej populacji w latach powojennych. Struktura ta okazała się nietypowa – na skutek zróżnicowanych szans za przetrwanie Zagłady istniała znacząca przewaga liczebna mężczyzn, bardzo mało było dzieci i ludzi starszych. Z kolei struktura zawodowa była odmienna nie tylko od charakterystycznej dla ogółu społeczeństwa polskiego badanego okresu, ale i żydowskiej społeczności przedwojennej. Charakteryzowały ją niski odsetek zatrudnionych, zwłaszcza w przemyśle, i relatywnie często podejmowana praca w spółdzielniach i warsztatach rzemieślniczych. Procesy przebiegające w społeczności białostockiej były charakterystyczne dla ogółu polskich Żydów w okresie powojennym.
EN
The main purpose of the research was to determine the changing population size of the Białystok Jewish community after the Second World War. To this end, data from Jewish social institutions and, to a lesser extent, state institutions were used. The research showed that despite a high birth rate, the population decreased, as a result of migratory movements (principally, several waves of emigration to Israel) and assimilation. At the end of the 20th century, the community ceased to exist. Another subject of the analysis was the demographic and professional structure of this population in the post-war years. It was unusual – due to different chances of survival in the Holocaust, there was a significant numerical predominance of men, while there were very few children or older people. The occupational structure differed not only from that typical in Polish society in general during this period, but also from the pre-war Jewish community. It was characterized by a low rate of regular employment, especially in industry, and a relatively high rate of work in cooperatives and craft workshops. The processes in the Białystok community were characteristic of all Polish Jews in the post-war period.
EN
The number of the Union of Socialist Youth [Związek Młodzieży Socjalistycznej, ZMS] members reached a maximum of 1,5 million young people, whereas throughout its twenty-year existence this number amounted to 5 million. In fact, this made the ZMS the biggest youth organization of the PRL’s era. Many various categories of young people belonged to the Union. High, trade and vestibule school students, probably more interested in sports, entertainment and in problems of their age than in politics, comprised nearly half of the Union members. Whereas university students were in minority. The others, were mostly young employees – mainly workers, adult, already formed people, having their own families. The youth of Gomułka’s and Gierek’s era, occupied with nothing but school, work and personal matters and fascinated by the developing, basing on western patterns, youth culture, was very little interested in boring politics and aggressively promoted ideology. Therefore they decided very rarely to join in the ZMS for ideologically-motivated emotions. Those who became the ZMS members, one could divide into two different categories: the first – people who had the need to be involved in activity and the ZMS was the only organization which made it possible. The second one – people willing to join in the ZMS to derive particular benefits only (such as: their supervisors’ satisfaction, access to many attractive leisure activities, establishing social relationships) whereas they were not interested in carrying out a range of activity at all. Those of the first category became activists which was very often a prelude to the political or professional careers, while the others were simply a “membership mass”. Rank and file ZMS members considered themselves to be as ordinary as their peers – having a similar world-view, interest and attitude towards life. Even their political views were not clearly shaped. Therefore it seems that the most appropriate description referring to the majority of the ZMS members would be a statement saying that they were persons who did not mind about the political face of their organization. Moreover, they were not engaged in its activity – some of them did nothing, others – used to attend the meetings and from time to time got involved in particular actions. For most of the average members, the ZMS was either a youth association formed only to fill their free time for a price of participation in boring mass rally or an insignificant enrollment in the membership card.
EN
Tekst opowiada historię nieformalnego ruchu młodzieży z Grodna, którą w latach osiemdziesiątych XX w. połączyła fascynacja polską muzyką, głównie rockową. Od nazwy popularnego programu „Telewizyjna Lista Przebojów” nazwali się TLP-istami. Przedstawiony zostanie społeczno-polityczny kontekst tych szczególnych zainteresowań i możliwości ich rozwijania w realiach ostatniej dekady ZSRR. Zadane zostaną pytania o wpływ muzyki na styl życia młodzieży, reakcje otoczenia, a także znaczenie dla kształtowania postaw. The phenomenon of “TV Hit-Parade” (TLP): the Grodno fans of Polish musicOral history – witnesses’ accounts, allowed to reconstruct the history of the informal movement “TLP” gathering Grodno youth in the 1980s. The source of interest in Polish music was the youthful need for rebellion, strengthened by the situation in the USSR, interest in Poland and political changes taking place there and fascination with Polish popular culture. It was perceived as an emanation of Western culture, but more accessible thanks to an understandable language. The people of TLP had a possibility to listen to favorite music and to get information about it thanks to receiving the Polish radio and television, buying the Polish press, as well as contacts with peers from Poland. They traveled abroad exceptionally. In the realities of the USSR of the 1980s, developing a passion required big effort and ingenuity, but it did not involve any risk. Despite the unmistakable political meaning and rebellious lyrics of rock songs, local authorities and services did not see the movement of fans as a danger. Contact with Polish music gave the youth a sense of community and freedom. Феномен «Телевизионного хит-парада» (TLP): гродненские фанаты польской музыкиУстная история – рассказы очевидцев позволили реконструировать историю неформального движения „TLP”, которое объединяло гродненскую молодежь в 1980-х гг. Источником интереса к польской музыке была юношеская потребность бунта, усиленная положением в СССР, интерес к Польше и происходящих в ней политических переменах, увлечение польской Поп-культурой. Она воспринималась как проявление западной культуры, но более доступное благодаря понятному языку. У TLP-истов был доступ к любимой музыке и касающимся ее новостям благодаря возможности приема передач польского телевидения и радио, подписки на польскую прессу, а также контактом со сверстниками из Польши. Сами TLP-исты ездили заграницу в исключительных случаях. В реалиях СССР 80-х гг. развитие увлечения требовало усилий и находчивости, но не было связано ни с каким риском Несмотря на несомненный политический и мятежнический смысл текстов рок-песен, власти и местные службы не видели в фанатском движении угрозы. Контакт с польской музыкой дарил молодежи чувство общности и свободы.
EN
The article discusses the situation of the descendants of the Germans from Lodz, their lifestyle and attitude to their own heritage and roots. It also shows how the Lodz authorities commemorate the multi-ethnic past of the city, and what is the contemporary Lodzians’ level of knowledge of the German community living in the city nowadays. The materials and data used in the article were collected in 2009–2010 in the course of the research sponsored by the Town Council of Lodz. In its first part, the article focuses on the town’s memory policy and the inter-cultural relations, which have taken place there over the years between Germans and other communities, as seen from the perspective of local Germans. The second part of the article analyses how the local German community is perceived by the Polish inhabitants of Lodz, and to what extent their image is influenced by stereotypical concepts of the Germans in general. It seems that Lodz inhabitants’ knowledge on the post-war situation of German minority in their city is very poor. It appeared that the majority of interlocutors did not express their opinions on local Germans, but on the Germans in general. Direct questions about Lodz Germans caused associations mainly connected with the times of “The Promised Land’’ – the period in history when German settlers created and stood for the “Industrial Empire’’ in Lodz. Sadly, the Lodzians’ awareness of the contemporary German minority living in Lodz was marginal. What is interesting though, both examined age groups: the older one (Lodzians born between 1945 and 1960) and the youngest one (those born in 1989–1990) responded similarly. The lack of knowledge of the younger people who indicated school as their source of information, alarmed the authors and pointed their attention to the relation between this fact and the existing educational system. To conclude this part of research, it can be stated that the school education in the town taking pride in its long-term multi-cultural tradition is on very low level. It is definitely insufficient in terms of teaching the young generation both the history and present life of all the ethnic minorities, in particular German one, living side by side with them.
EN
Women’s movements in Russia in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries consisted of a number of environments that differed in terms of ideology and were activating at different times. All of them wanted to broaden women’s access to education, up to equal rights with men. For some it was the main goal, as education was a chance for women to gain economic independence and subjectivity. Achieving these goals required not only the consent of the tsarist authorities, but also a change in the patriarchal attitude of society, including women themselves. Progress was gradual, but not systematic, and there were periods of regression. The main factor was the current political and social situation in the Empire, which was very dynamic at that time. Six decades saw the spread of co-educational primary schools and Sunday schools for adults, the creation of female high schools with a curriculum close to that of male gymnasia, and female colleges of a vocational nature. Independent, active, conscious and educated leaders of women’s movements have become role models for new generations of women.
PL
Ruchy kobiece w Rosji w XIX i na początku XX w. to szereg środowisk różniących się ideowo i aktywizujących w różnych momentach. Wszystkim zależało na poszerzeniu dostępu kobiet do edukacji, aż do ich równouprawnienia z mężczyznami, dla części był to cel główny. Zdobycie wykształcenia było bowiem szansą na uzyskanie przez kobiety niezależności ekonomicznej i podmiotowości. Osiągnięcie tych celów wymagało nie tylko zgody władz carskich, ale także zmiany nastawienia patriarchalnego społeczeństwa, w tym samych kobiet. Postęp zachodził stopniowo, ale nie systematycznie, bywały okresy regresu. Głównym czynnikiem była bowiem bieżąca sytuacja polityczno-społeczna w cesarstwie, w tym okresie bardzo dynamiczna. W ciągu sześciu dekad doszło do upowszechnienia koedukacyjnych szkół ludowych, szkół niedzielnych dla dorosłych, stworzenia żeńskich szkół średnich z programem bliskim męskim gimnazjom oraz żeńskich szkół na poziomie wyższym, o charakterze zawodowym. Liderki ruchów kobiecych – samodzielne, aktywne, świadome i wykształcone – stały się wzorcami dla nowych pokoleń kobiet.
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