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PL
Autor artykułu dowodzi, że pojęcie „partii rosyjskiej” czy też „stronnictwa rosyjskiego” w Polsce ma swoją długą tradycję oraz wieloznaczność. Mieści się w nim bowiem zarówno wynikający z geopolitycznych uwarunkowań realny instrument oddziaływania Rosji na sytuację w Polsce przy wykorzystywaniu określonych organizacji o charakterze politycznym, jak i wpisująca się w określoną narrację polityczną figura retoryczna, wykorzystywana do opisu rzeczywistości: definiowania wrogów i zagrożeń, budowania tożsamości, a często konstruowania świata binarnego. W kontekście wydarzeń na Ukrainie autor zastanawia się, czy obecnie mamy do czynienia jedynie z określoną narracją? Czy też, zgodnie z zasadami logiki, presupozycją wzajemnego oskarżania się o sprzyjanie interesom Rosji winna być konkluzja, że ostatecznie istnieje jakaś formacja polityczna, która interesom tym realnie sprzyja? Autor jest zdania, że wyciągnięcie miarodajnych wniosków winno być poprzedzone refleksją badawczą. Po pierwsze, czy prorosyjskość to dziś forma politycznego ekstremizmu czy też wynikający z ideowych bądź pragmatycznych przesłanek kierunek polityki zagranicznej, reprezentowany przez wybrane ugrupowania polskiej sceny politycznej? Po drugie, czy „partię rosyjską” można traktować wyłącznie w kategoriach mitu politycznego, środka ekspresji w debacie publicznej, czy też możemy o niej mówić w kategoriach ontycznych? Po trzecie, czy ową „partę rosyjską”, hipotetyzując jej istnienie, możemy w ogóle opisać językiem politologicznym, typologizując ją wedle określonych kryteriów?
EN
The author of the paper argues that the term "the Russian party" in Poland has a long tradition and ambiguity. It comprises both the real instrument of influence of Russia on the situation in Poland, with the use of the specific organizations of political nature resulting from the geopolitical conditions, and a figure of speech becoming part of a specific political narration used to describe the reality: defining enemies and threats, identity building, and often the construction of the binary world. In the context of the events in Ukraine, the author wonders if now we are dealing only with a specific narration? Or, according to the rules of logic, the presupposition of recriminations of favoring the interests of Russia should be the conclusion that ultimately there is a political formation that really favors these interests? The author is of the opinion that drawing meaningful conclusions should be preceded by a reflection research. Firstly, whether pro-Russian attitude is still a form of political extremism, or in consequence of ideological or pragmatic reasons it is the foreign policy direction, represented by selected groups of Polish political scene? Secondly, whether "the Russian party" can be considered only in terms of political myth, means of expression in a public debate, or we can talk about it in ontic terms? Thirdly, whether this "Russian party", hypothetically presuming its existence, can even be described by means of the language of political science, categorizing it according to certain criteria?
EN
The article concerns the possibility of using Lithuanian Poles and their political representation: Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania-Christian Families Alliance (AWPL-ZChR) as a potential element in Russian aggression against Lithuania. The author cites previous media reports and expert opinions suggesting such an opportunity, and analyzes the activities of the AWPL-ZChR. The author focuses on such aspects as: cooperation of the AWPL-ZChR with the Russian Alliance - the party of the Russian minority in Lithuania - or alleged pro-Russian statements of the leaders of the Polish minority. The author tries to embed these aspects not only in the geopolitical space, but discuss them in the context of the AWPL-ZChR’ position on the Lithuanian political scene.
EN
The subject of the article is the political thought of the circles from the Eastern Borderland that functioned among the Polish wartime exiles and then the post-War pro-independence emigrants. In the introduction, the author defines such notions as Kresy (Polish Borderlands) or kresowianie, characterises those circles, and then discusses their opinions on such issues as the eastern border, attitude towards the Lithuanians, Belarussians and Ukrainians, or federalism. The author points to the diversity of the circles and the evolution of their political thought indicating the mid-1950s as an important point in their development. The final part of the article includes a reflection of its realism.
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EN
The reviewed publication contains post-conference materials, presented during the conference held in 2016 in Warsaw, entitled “The Deposit of Independence. National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile (1939–1991)”. The volume consists of 18 articles, published in chronological and topical order, devoted to the selected issues of the history of the Polish parliamentarianism in exile during World War II and in the post-war period. The authors of the articles discussed various aspects of the activities of the National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile, such as the participation of national minorities in the work of the quasi-parliament, biographies of the chosen parliamentarians, or the selected elements of “parliamentary practices”. This publication is not a synthesis but it supplements and develops the current state of research on the activities of the Polish quasi-parliamentary institutions in exile.
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