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Vox Patrum
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2008
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vol. 52
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issue 2
993-1010
EN
The paper is an analysis of Patripassianism using a historico-exegetical approach, with a special consideration given to Novatian’s tractate, De Trinitate. The Roman theologian differs considerably in his account of the Patripassian heresy from his two great predecessors, Hippolytus and Tertullian. The two authors’ discussion is often heated, with a very distinct, polemical tonę. In contrast, Novatian offers hardly any historical data. He only mentions Sabellius twice. The polemical tonę is morę moderate, the discussion less involved. A certain tracę of his critiąue of Patripassianism can be found in Novatian’s theology of the Logos. He does not organise his arguments according to divine economy or the notion of dispositio - which he knows and he uses. The Roman author presents Patripassianism in the following three chapters of his work: 26-28. Moreover, certain aspects of this teaching may be found in his discussion with ditheism, in chapters 30-31. According to Novatian, Patripassianism is a way of identifying the Father with the Son, which is done on the pretext of defending orthodox monotheism. The Roman theologian uses that as a key in his understanding, at the same time refuting charges of ditheism or negating the distinctiveness of the Son. His discussion with Patripassianism is mainly exegetical in nature. He shows the distinction that exists between the Father and the Son. He also refutes his opponents’ arguments that are based on their exegesis of the two Scriptures, John 10:30 and John 14:9. However, he does not discuss the problem of understanding theofany by Patripassians. In De Trinitate 12, 65 Novatian addresses the adherents of Filiopaterism, attempting to demonstrate their false argumentation. A careful analysis of this text leads to the conclusion that the polemic in this chapter of the tractate does not only apply to Filiopaterism but also to those who hesitate between Adoptianism and Patripassianism. In De Trinitate 24, 136 Novatian offers an exegesis of Lukę 1:35. In this exegesis he argues against Adoptianists, also including filiopaterism of Calixtus. There is no fully Patripassian exegesis in any point of Novatian’s argumentation. The Roman theologian also discusses relations between Adoptianism and Patripassianism. In both heresies he finds traces of Jewish influences, especially in the subject of antitriniatarian monotheism. A separate character of the heresy of Adoptianism and Patripassianism seems to be obvious to him. A bridge between them may be found in Filiopaterism, which is a blend of Adoptianism and Patripassianism in order to preserve radical monotheism. Novatian knew this position through his lecture of Against Praxeas and Refutatio.
Vox Patrum
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2012
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vol. 57
535-550
EN
The Novatian vision of the Church appeared in the moment which was favour­able for its further development. Not only did the Church suffer persecution, but also some Christians protested against the possibility of reconciliation lapsi. What is more, the doctrine concerning the impossibility to forgive certain sins had a sig­nificant role in spreading of Novatian Church. Merging the congregation belong­ing to Novatian Church and Montanists in the East contributed to specifying the doctrine of the sect. With reference to a repeat marriage, the testimonies from III century do not allow to state explicitly if the pope himself treated them as illegal. Novatian allowed for penance and reconciliation of those who were guilty of certain carnal sins. It seems that later such violations were treated more severely. Montanism surely had an influence on it. Such rigorism in penitential discipline assumed a definite concept of Church and the power of the keys, which differed significantly from the one Catholicism set down. Apart from this, however, dog­matic divergences between Novatianism and Catholicism are not to be observed. But, the question of determining the date of Easter led to the separation between a lot of Novatian communities and the Church. Socrates’ accounts of Novatian Church internal disputes let us discern a few features of its inner structure. It does not seem to differ from that of Catholic Church. There are bishops, priests, deacons, synods. Furthermore, episcopal ap­pointments to more important cities are considered to be superior. The sacraments in Novatian Church were the same as in Catholic Church, however, according to Teodoret, Novatian Church did not practice anointing a person with holy oils after baptism. A similar opinion can be found in Pacian’s texts. It was accepted among Catholics, at least in the East, that those who con­verted from Novatian Church should be anointed. In Novatian communities, from the outset, Catholics, who joined this sect, were baptized for the second time. According to Eulogius, Novatians in Alexandria rejected the cult of relics. The council in Nice tried to restore Novatians to the unity with Catholic Church, adopting a restrained attitude towards them. The council in cannon 8 presents the “pure” returning to Church with the conditions of grace. The Trident Council, however, saw in condemning Novatians proof of true Fathers’ teaching about penance.
Vox Patrum
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2013
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vol. 59
317-327
EN
Priscillianism was a serious problem for the church in Spain from the second half of IV century till the end of VI century. In this article there has been discussed the beginning and the development of Priscillian schism and its dramatic conse­quences for Priscillian himself, his followers and the ancient church. Heterodox trend in Priscillian doctrine, immorality of this community’s life, as well as the errors of the church people and the imperial authority in solving Priscillian con­troversy have been shown. The first two stages of Priscillian schism have been analysed: the first one starting from Priscillian’s speech in the synod in Saragossa (380), and the second one from the above mentioned synod till Priscillian’s trial and execution (385). The reasons for Priscilllian’s execution and the reaction to his death, both in Christian and pagan world, have been presented.
Vox Patrum
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2010
|
vol. 55
553-567
EN
Nel periodo iniziale dello sviluppo dello scisma romano di Novaziano niente lasciava prevedere che potesse minacciare l’intera Chiesa. In quel periodo Novaziano aveva mandato in Africa, Alessandria e Antiochia i suoi emissari. Grazie alla loro attività la comunità dei novaziani cresceva in potenza, e sviluppando in modo progressivo la propria dottrina è diventato un rivale significativo della Chiesa cattolica. La Chiesa di Novaziano si è diffusa in Gallia, nei terreni dell’Italia settentrionale (Milano), a Roma, in Africa, Egitto e Siria. In Oriente si è lottato a lungo contro le sue regole e abitudini. Anche nell’Asia minore i novaziani erano numerosi. Socrate fornisce molte informazioni su di loro. Racconta dettagliatamente la storia della comunità novaziana a Costantinopoli: descrive la disposizione delle loro chiese nella città e presenta la successione dei vescovi novaziani fino alla sua epoca. Eppure non vi è modo di stabilire, anche approssimativamente, il numero di singole comunità. L’ottavo canone del concilio di Nicea presumeva che in alcuni posti la chiesa di Novaziano avesse attratto la totalità della popolazione cristiana. Le informazioni sul presbitero romano e la sua chiesa non sono precise. I trattati, che si sono conservati, mostrano piuttosto la polemica teologica che la dimensione storica. La legge civile del 326 ha creato una situazione favorevole per gli appartenenti alla chiesa di Novaziano, riconoscendogli il diritto di possedere i luoghi di culto e i cimiteri. Le comunità novaziane in Oriente si sono trovate al centro della reazione antiniceana, le cui conseguenze avevano il carattere non solo teologico, ma anche esistenziale. Socrate riporta i momenti drammatici vissuti a Costantinopoli dai cattolici e dai novaziani che non volevano accettare il credo dei seguaci degli homoios. Nella prima metà del V secolo a Roma, il papa Innocente I, Bonifacio I e Celestino I chiudono le chiese dei novaziani. Cirillo invece combatteva i novaziani ad Alessandria. Socrate ricorda che a Costantinopoli, dove sicuramente era più difficile scordarsi delle sofferenze comuni, la situazione della comunità novaziana è rimasta buona fino all’ascesa al trono di Nestorio (428). La collaborazione della Chiesa e dello stato porta gradualmente alla sparizione, prima nelle grandi città, a poi addirittura in campagna, delle comunità organizzate, e finalmente degli ultimi rappresentanti della setta. Probabilmente gli ultimi novaziani asiatici collaboravano con i pauliciani. In Oriente dalla metà dell’VIII secolo sparisce la questione dei novaziani come eretici viventi. Gli ultimi cenni risalgono ai tempi di Giovanni di Damasco e Eulogio di Alessandria. In Occidente erano spariti già da molto prima: non se ne trova quasi nessuna informazione già dalla metà del V secolo. Secondo alcuni ricercatori le idee propagate dalla chiesa di Novaziano hanno influito sui bogomilisti, e anche sui catari dell’Occidente.
Vox Patrum
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2013
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vol. 60
275-288
EN
In the Church of the first centuries some Fathers of the Church used the Apocrypha. But, the general tendency, which we can notice in the fourth century theology, is resignation from using them. It was connected, among other things, with creating the biblical canon. In Priscillian’s opinion, it is allowed to use the Apocrypha. The bishop of Avila propagating the right to use them contributed to spreading them, especial­ly in Spain and Mediterranean Gaul. Priscillian was favourable to these texts, but careful, and so were some of the Fathers of the Church. In spite of it, it was reading the Apocrypha that contributed to accusing him of Manichaeism and Gnosticism. Mani and his followers also took advantage of the Apocrypha using novel extracts in which a fight for purity dominates and characters’ indomitabi­lity is shown. The anti-Priscillian literature unanimously condemned reading the Apocrypha by Priscillianists. The synod in Toledo does it as well as the first synod in Braga, the popes Innocent I and Leon the Great and the writers Augustinian, Orosius, Turibius. The Priscillianists refering to the Apocrypha created sabellian conception of the Holy Trinity. Various texts presumably edited by the Priscillianists (Monarchiani Prologues, The Revelation of St. Thomas, Pseudo-Titus Letter) contain references to the Apocrypha. It should be noticed that the Priscillianist exegetic principle was to explain canon books by means of other texts. Besides, D. de Bruyne pre­sents the Apocrypha ascribed to the Priscillianists; this collection comprises the following texts: Collectio de diversis sententiis, Apocalypsis, Sermo S. Augustini Episcopi, Homilia de die iudicii, De parabolis Salomonis, Liber ,,canon in Ebreica” Hieronymi presbyteri. He also made an attempt to establish a probable list of the Apocrypha which the Priscillian community might have used.
Vox Patrum
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2009
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vol. 53
521-539
EN
The Novatian’s tractate does not use the term, instead, the person of Sabellius takes a prominent place. Hence, in order to better understand Novatian himself, the present study demonstrates how the term was used by such authors as Tertullian, Hippolytus, or the author of the Refutatio. An attempt has also been made to establish the place that monarchy took in Patripassian theology. Novatian does not mention monarchy because his polemic against Patripassianism is in rea­lity a confrontation with Sabellianism, as it was known in Rome in the first half of the third century. Novatian directly opposes Sabellius who, at least during his Roman period, did not use the concept to defend and substantiate his heresy. Patripassianism, such as Novatian came to know in Rome, was indeed Sabellianism. The Roman theologian refers to ideas contained in the term when he defends monotheism (against Gnostics and Marcion) and refutes the charges of ditheism from Patripassians. The author of De Trinitate continues his polemic against Gnostic and Marcionite dualism, when he acts in defense of monotheism and the creative act of God. He refers to the content of the term to rule out the existence of a god superior to the Creator. Divine agenesia guaranties, ac­cording to Novatian, that there is no god superior to God the Creator. The Roman author engages in a polemic with the Marcionite concept (the distinction between good and just God). He presents interrelationship between the goodness of God and creation. Evil originates in the free will of man, and is not connected with matter or attributed to God in His creative act. In order to refute Gnostic dualism, Novatian refers to the content of monarchy. In the same way he substantiates the immutability of God. In his view, the fun­damental source of God’s immutability is His agenesia. Refuting the concept of eternal matter, not created by and independent from God, the Roman theologian once again uses the content of the term. In De Trinitate Novatian conti­nues the line of thinking of these authors who developed the concept of monarchy. Novatian quotes Rom 11:36, which text is usually interpreted in the Trinitarian sense. The Roman author uses it to write about creative mediation of the Word. The Roman theologian also quotes biblical evidence for the divinity of Christ in his polemic with Adoptianists and Patripassians: Jn 1:1 (the key text of the theology of the Logos); Jn 1:14 (most frequently quoted text in De Trinitate) and Rom 9:5. Novatian points out that Scripture does not contradict itself, presenting both unity and diversity between the Divine persons.
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