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1

JORDAN IN THE STRUGGLE FOR ITS OWN SURVIVAL, 1967 – 1974

100%
Sorby Jr. K.
Asian and African Studies
|
2022
|
vol. 31
|
issue 2
235 – 250
EN
Israel was in occupation of the Sinai Peninsula, the Golan Heights, East Jerusalem and the West Bank of the River Jordan by the 10th June 1967. The effect on all three countries was devastating, but especially for Jordan, which lost a third of its population and its prime agricultural land, and control of the Islamic and Christian sites in Jerusalem. The enormity of the defeat brought about a great change in the attitude of the Palestinians, a large number of whom now became convinced that the Arab regimes were either unable or unwilling to liberate Palestine. The Palestine Liberation Organization’s new tactics began to pose a severe threat to the continuation of the Jordanian monarchy, so in 1970 its guerrillas were driven out of Jordan. Over the next few years the Jordanian government gradually reasserted its authority over the country. Jordan did not participate in the war of October 1973. However, King Ḥusayn, along with his fellow Arab leaders, was obliged to recognize the PLO as the “sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people” at the Rabat Arab summit in October 1974, which inevitably diminished both his authority, and much of what was left of his appeal, on the West Bank.
2

IRAQ's FIRST COUP GOVERNMENT (1936 - 1937)

100%
Sorby Jr. K.
Asian and African Studies
|
2011
|
vol. 20
|
issue 1
23-45
EN
By the mid-1930s, several officers of the Iraqi army had become actively interested in politics and found that the army's reputation for suppressing the Assyrian rebellion was a political asset. The most influential officers were true nationalists, that is, pan-Arabist, who inspired many of the junior officers. They looked to the examples of neighbouring Turkey and Iran, where military dictatorships were flourishing. Under the leadership of General Bakr Iidqi the army took over the government in the fall of 1936, and opened a period of the army's meddling in politics. A monolithic, totalitarian form of government seemed to offer a more effective means of unifying fragmented countries and modernizing backward societies than did constitutional democracy and the free enterprise system. The authoritarian regime that exerted the most powerful influence on Iraqis was that of Kamal. Many of the army officers and Ottoman-educated civilians could easily imagine themselves in the Turkish president's role. As an Islamic country with a background of similar traditions and problems, Turkey offered a more attainable example than European regimes. Moreover, rapid development, political unity, and greater social discipline were the desiderata of this line of thought. The assassination of Bakr Iidqi marked the collapse of the Bakr Iidqi - Eikmat Sulayman axis and the end of Iraq's first coup government.
3

IRAQ: OPPOSITION TO THE POLICY OF THE ROYAL COURT AND THE REACTION OF KING GHĀZĪ (1934 – 1935)

100%
Sorby Jr. K.
Asian and African Studies
|
2019
|
vol. 28
|
issue 2
253 – 269
EN
The first government of Jamīl al-Midfacī, formed on purely personal rather than partisan lines, suffered from the divergent interests of two competing factions. When the Prime Minister failed to reconcile the rivals he tendered his resignation. However, King Ghāzī invited him to form a new government that lasted until 25 August 1934. cAlī Jawdat al-Ayyūbī, Chief of the Royal dīwān, seized the opportunity to succeed him as Prime Minister on 27 August. He soon announced his policy, which was a modest programme of reform. When he obtained the king’s approval to dissolve the parliament, he rigged the elections so that in the new parliament the Patriotic Brotherhood Party (Ḥizb al-ikhā al-waṭanī) held only twelve seats. Also excluded were some of the most prominent Shīcī tribal chieftains of the mid-Euphrates region, laying the foundation for a dangerous tactical alliance with the Patriotic Brotherhood Party. Moreover, King Ghāzī was the product of a system that exacerbated Shīcī resentment of the Sunnī-dominated state.
4

KÁHIRSKÁ KONFERENCIA 1921. KLADENIE ZÁKLADOV BRITSKEJ POLITIKY NA BLÍZKOM VÝCHODE PO PRVEJ SVETOVEJ VOJNE

100%
Sorby Jr. K.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2010
|
vol. 3
|
issue 1
71 – 86
EN
The Hāshimite claim to Arab leadership had been born almost haphazardly in the circumstances of the First World War. It was far from being accepted by all the Arabs and would always suffer from its sponsorship by Britain. But the total Ottoman collapse did give Britain and France a brief period in which they felt that they could act largely as they pleased. Inducing Arabs under the rule of the Ottoman Turks to rebel against their oppressors the British and French during the First World War convinced the Hāshimite clan that they would rule over the Arab Middle East. Later on, having been awarded by the League of Nations the mandates for the former Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire the victorious powers began to consider those territories as their colonies. Apart from the fighting in Syria, there were uprisings in Egypt, Iraq and Palestine, because the Arab hopes had been thwarted by the establishment of administrations on colonial lines with virtually no Arab participation. The Arab rebellions could be put down only at heavy costs. The post-war economy caused the British government to act. Winston Churchill as Colonial Secretary, with T. E. Lawrence as adviser, held a conference in Cairo in March 1921. No Arabs were present, but the meeting was attended by the high commissioners for Iraq, Egypt and Palestine. It was decided to carry out the arrangement already prepared in London to make Amīr Faysal King of Iraq. Churchill’s decision regarding Iraq was to have calamitous consequences as quite different communities – the Sunnī Muslim Arabs, Sunnī Muslim Kurds, and Shīcī Muslim Arabs – were put under a single ruler. Many people say, that Churchill’s decision of 1921 continue to cause terrible grief to Iraq’s indigenous people and anxiety to the rest of the world.
5

SYRIA – BEGINNING OF THE TRANSFORMATION PROCESS, 1970 – 1973

100%
Sorby Jr. K.
Asian and African Studies
|
2022
|
vol. 31
|
issue 1
124 – 140
EN
Israel’s military victory over the Arabs in June 1967 provoked a widespread reaction and a search for a way out throughout the Arab world and, in the case of Syria, led to the overthrow of the ruling regime. In the autumn of 1970 Ḥāfiẓ al-Asad seized power, and his regime represented the arrival of new elites from rural backgrounds to replace the traditional urban politicians and representatives of business circles. It was an authoritarian regime whose power base was the army and the Bac th Party. The sole ruler wielded absolute power and became the object of a personality cult. The regime adopted socialist-type economic policies and advocated egalitarian reforms.
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