Questions about the specifics of bulding of socio-political sphere phenomenon, lied at the dawn of countless attempts of systematization of knowledge over this subject, and of constructing the axioms, responding to efforts to enucleate of algorithm, ruling the dynamics of this sphere. One of such examples is discoursive research orientation. It was an effect of series of transformations inside social sciences during XXth century. Nonetheless, its program was not completely utilized by researchers achivements. I would like to express the conviction that primary catalogue of inspirations derives from rich achivements of Marxist thought. As node points of those considerations I take four inspirations: social practices, ideology, power and the political, outside of institutionalized politics frames. I do not treat these cathegories separately – because its reach intertwines, often as a consequences. Focusing on such subject of the following article, I therefore try to point out some problems revealing itself in political scientinsts research positions.
In this paper I want to show, the Antonio Gramsci’s arrangements, Italian Marxist, are very actual analysis of political process and phenomenon, which can be very significant tip and inspiration for the political researchers. The argument of this paper is about a kind of continuity between process of establishing hegemony and notice what the political (beyond the strictly policy). Analyzing this continuity, I want to do some kind of “political science transcription” of Gramsci, which I hope will result in more detailed research. Also I want to show the Gramsci’s profile as a political theoretist.
One of the dimensions of axiological values’ and agendas’ presence in the public sphere is seeing worldview as being political. Due to the nature of the phenomenon of belief as well as the category of politics, proposed consideration of these issues in the analysis of political science may be a discursive approach. Mechanisms which are revealing on the basis of discourse allow to specify categories of naturalization and pragmatism as the two basic types of articulation. As a result, we can identify examples of the implications of this phenomenon that have been identified in the form of SEP (somebody’s else problem) and tensions within the public-private dichotomy.
Social sciences, understood as critical and not neutral by nature, they should be equipped with specific competencies and sensivity. C. W. Mills these comptence define as sociological imagination – which is study of the relationship of history and biography, Giddens interpreted it as three basic senses: historical, anthropological, critical. The translation into political science would be a political theories imagination, it consist,, among over things like a: historicity of political phenomena, antisubstansialism, research self-awareness. Definition of political theories imagination I propose in the context of Wiktor Marzec’s paper Rebelion and Reaction, which is a study from field of historical sociology, it’s in itself a lot of inspiration for theorists of politics: research, theoretical and methodological. It is worth considering – in this context – fundamental categories of political science, like political subjectivity and the political, also revalidate in their range.
Art as being not only exalted vision of the artist, is a subject to the whole series of dependences. Among them there are institutional and non-institutional factors. It is no different in the case of cinema. Within its field representation issues of a social group and its interests may cross. There we may encounter the political of the presented content, but also of the environment in which it arises. Therefore, the reflection on Polish cinema of the younger generation created by women seems reasonable. The purpose of these considerations is therefore examining its political face, both in terms of the content itself and the conditions of its formation.
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przede wszystkim spojrzenie na politykę lokalną z perspektywy politologicznej i zaproponowanie rozumienia przestrzeni polityki lokalnej jako pola, które wbrew dominującej narracji politycznej jest polem o charakterze ideologicznym. Artykuł został podzielony na dwie podstawowe części – w części pierwszej zajmujemy się przede wszystkim stroną teoretyczną całego zagadnienia – zostają przedstawione założenia teoretyczne polityki lokalnej, jej właściwości, a także kwestia polityczności i ideologiczności tego poziomu sceny politycznej. W drugiej naszą intencją jest bliższe przyjrzenie się aktualnej praktyce politycznej w tym ostatnim kontekście – bazując przede wszystkim na fenomenie polskich ruchów miejskich – i wyciągnięcie z niej wniosków dotyczących faktycznej istoty (a)polityczności polityki lokalnej w Polsce.
EN
The main purpose of this article is to look at local politics from political sciences perspective and to propose the understanding of local politics as, quite opposite to the dominating political narratives, a field of ideological character. We divide the text into two main parts: in the first one we focus mainly the theoretical side of the whole issue with its specifics and the issues of the political and ideological character of this level of political scene. In the second part it is our intention to closely examine the current political practices in this matter – basing, most of all, on the phenomenon of polish „urban movements”, and draw conclusions on the actual essence of (non)political character of Polish local politics.
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