In the article, the author presents the present state of the usage of politics of memory as a substantiation of Polish foreign policy and its perspectives for following three years. Beginning with the 70th anniversary of the outbreak of the World War II, he presents how the Polish remembrance has transformed from a “conservative” vision under President Lech Kaczyński to a “conciliatory” one that is promoted by Prime Minister Donald Tusk. As a result of the intellectual clash, he recognizes the dominance of Tusk’s vision, which he describes, referring to outlooks of the prime minister and Paweł Machcewicz, a prominent Polish historian and close associate of Tusk. Then, he enumerates fifteen significant anniversaries, which may be used to present the Polish understanding of the past and to support foreign policy actions in the following years. The author also states his observations, suggestions, and remarks about the possible course of celebrations.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14761
В статье исследуется применение анализа поведенческих данных для оценки достоверности говорящего. В ней показано, как исследователи исследуют невербальное общение, выражения эмоций или индикаторы возбуждения для оценки сооответсвия с использованием аудиовизуального материала. Более того, тематическое исследование пояснительного заявления польской политической активистки Каи Годек о законопроекте, направленном против ЛГБТ, от 28 октября 2021 года предлагает возможные решения, с помощью которых автоматизированная система FaceReader (и Система кодирования лица в качестве ее теоретической основы) может обогатить методы социальных наук. В результате статья является примером новаторского подхода к политической коммуникации и достоверности аргументации.
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The paper explores the application of behavioural data analysis in the credibility assessment of a speaker. It presents how researchers investigate non-verbal communication, expressions of emotions or indicators of arousal to evaluate congruency using audiovisual material. Furthermore, the case study of Polish political activist Kaja Godek’s explanatory statement of an anti-LGBT bill on October 28, 2021, suggests possible ways, in which the automated system FaceReader (and Facial Action Coding System as its theoretical background) may enrich methods of social science. As a result, it offers an example of an innovative approach towards political communication and the credibility of an argument.
Confl ict in Eastern Galicia in November 1919 was one of the most important breakthroughs during creating of reborn from the dust of ashes Poland. Lviv, the capitol city of region, became an area of fi ghts between Poles and Ukrainians. Th is article describes way of presenting events in the most infl uential daily newspaper in former Austrian annexation – “Czas”, edited in Cracow. Th is is also an account about tragedy and martyrdom of two neighbor nations, that had chosen collision instead of peaceful coexistence. Complicated history and culture of Lviv can understand only this one who can experience multiethnic and multiconfession character, spirit of forever loyal city.
The basic aim of cultural myths is to afford simplified explanations of the Reality and to establish social-shared beliefs and expectations about present and future events. Often these symbolic and emotional narrations constitute particular political decisions and programs or social acting, regardless of the situation, if it effects every-day individual choice whether state’s policy. In this article I would like to present a possibility of examining cultural myth’s influence on International Relations (and politics at all) thanks to applying the narrative method. The article explains not just theoretical assumptions, but step-by-step presents how to deal with the method in relation to cases of myths’ influence, basing on the output of international academic discourse. The proposition is also supported by an example of application of the Narrative Analysis of myths in international politics.
Remembrance is a powerful instrument of social mobilisation, identity construction and political competition. Its impact on individual and shared beliefs or attitudes makes it an object of government’s interest, because remembrance can be used to legitimise ideologies or policies. Theoretical considerations of a government’s role as a narrator lead us to the general definition of the government’s remembrance policy, which we understand as a complex of narratives and interpretations presented to influence citizens’ attitudes, behaviours, beliefs and identities. The paper develops the definition with five theoretical hypotheses on the effectiveness of remembrance narratives. It argues that the government’s remembrance policy is myth-motoric, non-scientific, emotional, based on commitment and that it is a type of social influence. The study is an initial verification of theoretical approach, and I believe that my arguments will motivate other researchers to investigate different aspects of a government’s desire to narrate past events.
IN THE ARTICLE Author presents an innovative attempt to bind the perspective of the Individual as a carrier of national mythologies’ narrations and the concept of a role of political leaders in International Relations. Basing on the constructivist paradigm and referring to an theoretical output of cultural anthropology he explains the possibility of researching the influence of the Individual as a ‘transmission belt’ by the three-steps method. Focusing on the social-shared knowledge and the symbolic communication Author depicts the influence of the myth and adopts his concept to the Alexander Wendt’s social constructivism paradigm. The article is supplemented by a case study of the US President George W. Bush, who is presented as a ‘transmission belt’ of the Myth of American Exceptionalism in a context of the 9/11 Terrorist Attacks.
Lech Kaczyński’s tragic death was a direct cause of the détente in PolishRussian relations, proclaimed by Prime Minister Donald Tusk and his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin just after the Polish Air Force Tu-154 Crash. However this rapprochement is far from the political concept of the President. Considering the Polish internal debate on a proper form of Polish-Russian relations, I would like – in this short article to present a way as to how President Kaczyński understood challenges, that both nations have to pick up.
Abstract: The paper discusses appeals to pride and compassion as emotional strategies for mobilization in political communication, developing the Emotional Rescue Model of enthusiasm, anger, and fear. Exploring general results of brain activity, facial expressions, cognitive responses, attitude change, and prosocial behavior, it examines how compelling pride-related and compassion-related narratives are. Moreover, it considers the possibilities of targeting emotional content to specific audiences, verifying how results correspond with participants’ empathy, political preferences, and attitudes toward collective remembrance. The paper explores age, gender, and election attendance as other possible factors correlated with the outcomes of manipulation. In conclusion, it suggested that appeals to pride should target supporters of the cause, but compassionate narratives can address non-supporters and undecided recipients.
The paper discusses populist appeals to emotions in political communication, considering their role in the proliferation of political polarisation and radicalisation. Revisiting the Emotional Rescue Model of anger, enthusiasm, and fear, we considered pride and compassion low-arousal alternatives to populist storytelling. In the experiments, we tested how participants (n=364) respond to appeals to pride and compassion in their brain activity, emotional expressions, prosocial behaviour, attitude change, and memorisation. In the paper, we primarily discussed the results of the fMRI (neuroimaging) study and compared them with the previous studies on authentic pride, compassion, empathy, and reappraisal. Considering similarities in the activation of the superior and middle temporal gyri, temporal pole, inferior frontal gyrus, and dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, we argue that compassionate political narratives should be the most effective low-arousal alternative to populist storytelling. Moreover, stimulation of the reappraisal-related network in that group suggests that participants reframed emotional negativity into prosocial acts of caring and helping, also re-evaluating their attitudes.
The paper considers the relationship between remembrance narratives on national heroes and proliferation of political attitudes, values and behaviours during democratisation. It discusses the impact of interpretations of the past on the development of civil society in the context of public education as an instrument of identity politics. Comparing the experiences of Chile, Estonia, Georgia, Poland, South Africa and Spain, the authors present the role of national heroes in the legitimisation of behaviours and attitudes, new elites and national unity. The discussed results prove that the establishment of a pro-democratic system of civic education increases chances for successful consolidation of democracy in post-authoritarian countries.
Raport prezentuje wyniki badań porównawczych nad związkami między narracjami pamięci a tranzycyjną polityką tożsamości. Badania zrealizowane zostały poprzez zastosowanie jakościowo- ilościowej analizy narratywnej sześciu przypadków: Chile, Estonii, Gruzji, Hiszpanii, Polski i Południowej Afryki. Artykuł omawia wewnętrzne korelacje w ramach struktury tranzycyjnej polityki historycznej w odniesieniu do trzech poziomów analizy: ogólnego, przestrzeni oddziaływania (celów polityki) i pól oddziaływania (zadań polityki). W efekcie przedstawia dwa modele – ogólny model korelacji i model korelacji wewnętrznych. Nakreślają one najważniejsze cechy opowiadania o przeszłości w toku demokratyzacji i rozwijają obecne rozumienie sposobu, w jaki argumenty historyczne mogą oddziaływać na tranzycyjną rekonstrukcję tożsamości narodowej.
EN
The research report presents results of the comparative study on relationships between remembrance narratives and transitional identity policy. It is based on the qualitative-toquantitative narrative analysis of six cases: Chile, Estonia, Georgia, Poland, South Africa, and Spain. It discusses internal correlations within the structure of transitional remembrance policy with reference to three levels of analysis: the general level, the areas of impact (objectives of the policy) level, and the fields of impact (aims of the policy) level. As a result, it offers two models – the General Model of Correlations, and the Model of Internal Correlations. These two drawings show main features of remembrance story-telling during democratisations, and they develop present understandings on the way in which historical arguments may influence transitional identity reconstruction.
The paper presents results of the qualitative–to–quantitative narrative analysis of the transitional remembrance policy in South Africa during Nelson R. Mandela’s presidency. It refers to findings on the structure of political applications of historical interpretations to the issue of national identity reconstruction during democratisation. Therefore, the paper considers a degree in which remembrance story–telling was used to legitimise, justify, explain and promote the Rainbow Nation, the inclusive and non–racial vision of South Africa’s ’ideal self’ based on Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s theology of Ubuntu hoping. It investigated these relationships on eight levels – legitimisation of new elites, presence of former elites, transitional justice, social costs of transformations, promotion of new standards, the symbolic roles of democratisation, need for national unity and the new state’s identity in international politics. Moreover, the paper introduces a draft comparison with other cases of transitional remembrance policy – Chile, Estonia, Georgia, Poland and Spain – and it offers the structural model of the use of historical interpretations in South African transition, as well as discussing it with reference to the general model of the transitional remembrance policy.
The paper presents findings of the comparative study on relationships between remembrance story-telling and the transitional reconstruction of political identities. It identifies in which areas and fields of impact governments tend to use interpretations of the past to promote new leadership visions of society. Moreover, it verifies theoretical hypotheses related to the politicised remembrance and its role as a political asset during transformations, as well as it considers the theoretical framework of democracy-building (and a common prediction of its universal character). As a result, the study offers a detailed picture of the way remembrance narratives are transformed into explanations, justifications or legitimisation of new, post-authoritarian identities based on qualitative-to-quantitative analysis of the intensity of story-telling and its links with transitional identity politics. In the conclusion, the Authors present their consideration of research findings, and they discuss it with reference to the nature of transitional government’s remembrance policy as a sphere of social influence.
The paper discusses the influence of FaceReader-coded emotional arousal and valence on the effectiveness of civic education. The experimental design allowed the authors to observe relationships between emotional responsiveness and memorisation, attitude change, and prosocial behaviour. In the study with 90 adult participants, we video-recorded facial expressions while watching three parallel versions of a narrative on anti-communist opposition in Poland. The analysis of collected data suggested that emotional arousal is associated with prosocial behaviour and the valence of signalling with an attitude change, while cognitive effects are not related to emotional responsiveness. Moreover, civic education depends on the triad of emotions: sadness, happiness, and disgust.
W raporcie zostały zaprezentowane wyniki badań eksperymentalnych nad związkiem między wzbudzeniem emocji i zaangażowania a skutecznością polityki historycznej rządu. Przeprowadzone pomiary pozwoliły zespołowi manipulować emocjami inspirowanymi w narracji (neutralne – pozytywne – negatywne) i stopniem zaangażowania uczestników w popularyzację opowieści (brak zaangażowania – niskie zaangażowanie), a także umożliwiły obserwację różnic między warunkami w wynikach dla zmiennych niezależnych: zapamiętywania informacji, zmiany postaw i zachowania. Oprócz przedstawienia zgromadzonych danych raport zawiera zwięzły wstęp teoretyczny do badań (zwłaszcza hipotez teoretycznych weryfikowanych w projekcie) i krótką dyskusję wyników końcowych.
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The report presents results of the experimental study on relationships between arousal of emotions and commitment, and an effectiveness of the government’s remembrance policy. In measurements, the team manipulated emotions inspired in a narrative (neutral vs. positive vs. negative) and participants’ commitment to popularization of a narrative (no commitment vs. low commitment), and it observed how different conditions influenced independent variables: memorization of information, attitude change and real-life behavior. Besides presentation of collected data, the report also includes brief introduction to the theoretical background of the study (especially theoretical hypotheses which verification was project’s objective) and a short discussion of final results.
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