Search results

1

Sosy w kuchni greckiej. Garum (garos) i pochodne

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Kokoszko M.

Vox Patrum

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2006

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vol. 49

289-298

EN

The present article deals with recipes, culinary uses and therapeutic applications of garum and other garum-based sauces as described in sellected (Athenaeus of Naucratis, Pedanius Dioscurides, Galen, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida, Paul of Aegina, Geoponica and Byzantine lexica) Greek literary sources.

2

Orygenes fizjonomistą? Kilka uwag na temat "Przeciw Celsusowi" I 33

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Kokoszko M.

Vox Patrum

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2001

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vol. 40

173-194

EN

Origen is one of the most eminent Christian intellectuals of all times. Bom between 185 and 186 AD, died between 254 and 255 AD. He lived trough a period of alternate persecution and relative religious freedom to the Christians. A well-educated teacher and an exegete of the Holy Scriptures, he finally became one of the most influential figures in the Church.

3

Sławomir Bralewski, Obraz papiestwa w historiografii kościelnej wczesnego Bizancjum, Byzantina Lodziensia X, Łódź 2006, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, ss. 334

100%

Kokoszko M.

Vox Patrum

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2007

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vol. 50

703-707

EN

report

PL

recenzja

4

On Anthimus and his work

100%

Kokoszko M.

Vox Patrum

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2022

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vol. 81

65-90

PL

Ojcowie Kościoła zawarli w swej spuściźnie rozliczne uwagi odnoszące się do medycyny, nie pomijając także tej jej gałęzi, która nazywana jest dietetyką. Ich wiedza nie miała jednak zwykle na celu zastosowanie kompetencji medycznych w praktyce leczniczej, ale raczej stanowiła zasób uwznioślających metafor, które przydatne im były w nauczaniu chrześcijańskiej etyki. Pierwszym w pełni zachowanym traktatem dietetycznym napisanym przez chrześcijanina jest dziełko zatytułowane De observatione ciborum. Jest to zbiór porad żywieniowych dedykowany Teuderykowi królowi Franków (6 w. n.e.). Jego autor, Antimus, był greckim lekarzem wygnanym z Konstantynopola, który po opuszczeniu stolicy wpierw szukał schronienia wśród ariańskich Gotów, by potem zostać posłanym w misjach dyplomatycznych do katolickich Franków. Obecny artykuł stara się uzupełnić obraz medycznych kompetencji Antimusa oraz prezentuje argumenty pozwalające datować kompozycję jego traktatu. Przeprowadzony dowód opiera się na analizie 25, 26 i 33 rozdziału De observatione ciborum oraz wybranych innych źródeł (głównie prac z zakresu medycyny). Autor studium prezentuje argumenty wskazujące, że traktat De observatione ciborum został skomponowany w okolicach Konstantynopola po roku 508, najpewniej blisko roku 511. Sam Antimus był kompetentnym medykiem, który potrafił kreatywnie zastosować teorie przyswojone w skutek lektury dzieł klasyków swojej profesji.

EN

In the Church Fathers’ teachings there are numerous references to medical knowledge, including those concerning dietetics. They were, however, not meant to be used to heal the faithful but they were a resource of morally elevating metaphors appropriate in preaching Christian ethics. The first fully extant work on dietetics penned by a Christian author is entitled De observatione ciborum. It is a Latin collection of dietetic advice addressed to Teuderich, ruler of the Franks (6th c. AD). Its author, Anthimus, was a Greek physician exiled from Constantinople, first seeking refuge among the Arrian Goths, and later sent to the Catholic Franks on diplomatic missions. The present article provides a fuller picture of Anthimus’ medical competence and shows arguments to pinpoint the date of compiling the treatise. The analysis is based on three entries of the treatise, namely Chapters 25, 26 and 33. The method adopted in the research is a heuristic analysis of Anthimus’ work, and select, mainly medical, literature. The author of the present study argues that the work was composed in the Constantinopolitan milieu after 508, possibly circa 511. Its author was a competent physician, able to creatively apply theories he learned.

5

Anthimus and His Work, or on Aromatics and Wildfowl in De observatione ciborum

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Kokoszko M.

Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae

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2021

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vol. 31

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issue 2

59-95

EN

The present study focuses on select fragments of De observatione ciborum only. It starts with Chapter 13 (describing preparation of hare), analysing exclusively the recipe for a sauce included therein as it illustrates accurately Anthimus’ world of knowledge, and gives an opportunity to supplement the list of ingredients of the delicacy. Subsequently, the analysis moves on to Chapters 25, and 26 of De observatione ciborum, which have some information on Anthimus’ medical practice and his creativity as a physician. The research is concluded with the contents of Chapter 33, which provide data on the place, where the work was composed.

6

Teozofia cesarza Juliana Apostaty

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Kokoszko M.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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1992

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vol. 44

39-51

FR

L’empereur Julien l'Apostat a appuyé sa théosophie sur la philosophie néoplatonicienne et la tradition paienne. D'après cette interprétation la seule existance parfaite et la raison d’être c'est l’Absolu. Il influençait par émanation d'autres existences de moins en moins parfaites. Nus était la première hypostase identifiait parfois par Julian à Kybele. Mère des Dieux. Elle régnait le monde intelligible. L’âme plotinienne du monde était appelée par Julien Attis. Le niveau suivant de l’existance appelé par Julien monde intellectuel a été dominé par Helios. Dans cette zone siégeaient également d’autres dieux connus par la mythologie grecque et romaine. Dans l’interprétation de l’empereur c’étaient les forces d’Helios. L’univers visible occupait la dernière place dans la hiérarchie d'existance. Son existance.était possible grâce à Helios- visible- soleil. Les planètes c’étaient d’autres dieux de l’univers. L’espace entre la Voie lactée et la Lune était habitée par des êtres mortels, plus bas habitaient tous les êtres à l’exception des anges, des héros et des âmes non incarnées - tous étaient soumis à la mort. La conception de Julien contient également la notion de la providence. En principe l’empereur n’envisageait pas l’immortalité mais il la remplaçait par la conception du mouvement des idées entre l’Absolu et la matière. Les idées sortant de Nus étaient transportées par Attis vers le monde intellectuel, incorporées dans la matière et finalement après la disparition de cette dernière, retournaient vers l’Absolu.

7

Andrew Dalby, „Food in the Ancient World from A to Z”, Routledge, London – New York 2003, ss. 408

100%

Kokoszko M.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2006

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vol. 5

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issue 2

255-259

8

Heroic Portraits in the Fifth Book of John Malalas’ Chronicle

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Kokoszko M.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

|

1996

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issue 56

75-100

PL

Artykuł rekonstruuje pierwotną liczbę, kolejność i treść literackich portretów odmalowujących bohaterów greckich i trojańskich. A uto r szuka genezy portretów w bizantyńskiej wersji Ephemeris belli troiani autorstwa Diktysa z Krety. Następnie przeprowadza polemikę z tezami Fürst’a (Untersuchungen zur Ephemeris des Dikiys von Kreta, „Philologus” 1902, Bd. 61, s. 374-440), który twierdził, że kompozycja portretów Diktysa/Malalasa wywodzi się z tradycji prawnej hellenistycznego Egiptu. Autor artykułu dochodzi do wniosku, że zasady kompozycji portretów literackich Malalasa mają korzenie w greckiej tradycji literackiej, a szczególnie w dorobku Perypatu. Następnie uwypukla rolę fizjonomiki w kształtowaniu się portretów heroicznych zawartych w piątej księdze Kroniki Malalasa. W końcowej części pracy autor artykułu przeprowadza fizjonomiczną analizę literackich wizerunków bohaterów greckich i trojańskich. Na podstawie jej wyników dochodzi do wniosku, że zostały one oparte na schematach obrazujących kanon urody męskiej (oddawany przez symbol lwa) i kobiecej (oddawany przez symbol pantery). Oba te schematy zostały uzupełnione przez wprowadzenie do portretów elementów ideału urody greckiej oraz całego szeregu innych motywów fizjonomicznych.

9

Historia kuchni antycznej i bizantyńskiej. Sos karyke (ĸαρύκη). Komentarz do „Chronografii” Michała Psellosa

100%

Kokoszko M.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2006

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vol. 5

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issue 2

167-178

10

Sally Grainger, “Cooking ‘Apicius’. Roman Recipes for Today”, Blackawton, Totnes, Devon (Prospect Books) 2006, ss. 128

100%

Kokoszko M.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2009

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vol. 8

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issue 2

256-260

11

Kuchnia i dietetyka późnego antyku oraz Bizancjum. Kilka uwag na temat spożycia, sporządzania, przyrządzania, wartości dietetycznych i zastosowań medycznych konserw rybnych w antycznej i bizantyńskiej literaturze greckiej

100%

Kokoszko M.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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2005

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issue 80

7-25

EN

Although one can venture common sense remarks on the subject of fish preserve consumption, available literary data make any assessment the role of fish preserves in the late antique and Byzantine diet virtually impossible. It can be only inferred that such food was generally considered to be a delicacy and was eaten by the reach. The less affluent could taste it only on special, festive occasions, but such instances were rather far and few between. It appears that fish preserves constituted no staple food whatsoever. It should be also remarked that our main sources do not reflect salt fish consumption at the moment of their compilation. The Deipnosophists draw on information form the time of Homer on, however, they hardly ever make use of the data chronologically close to the III-rd century AD. Galen relies on Philotimus, Oribasius on Galen or Xenocrates, while Aetius of Amida and Paul of Aegina borrow their doctrines from Oribasius. The data cannot be rectified on the basis of Byzantine lexica due to the dependence of Hesychios and the Book of Suda on ancient tradition, which is, to make it worse, related to the scope of information preserved in, on the one hand, the Deipnosophists, and on the other, the Geoponics. Consequently, the sources represent a fairly homogenous tradition which cannot not be used directly to draw unequivocal conclusions applicable to late Antiquity and Byzantium. The sources give no detailed information on the way fish preserves were produced. Consequently, there is no precise evidence concerning the technology of production. Available information is general and of a limited value. The main source of data are medical treatises. Their authors claim that fish preserves were manufactured mainly from large fish and that it was salt which was made use of to prevent the meat from decoy. There were a number of varieties of fish preserves which differed in their qualities. However, it seems that generally they tended to include some amount of liquid. These characteristics are reflected in numerous descriptions of waterproof containers in which the salt fish products were preserved. Once the salt fish was taken from the brine, it was soaked in water. When salt was removed form the product, the meat could become the main ingredient of a number of dishes. Greek sources testify to all main techniques of preparing the meat. It could be cooked, grilled or stewed. There is no reliable description of the first method. Nonetheless, it can be suggested that the fish was cooked is salty water, which could also contain some extra ingredients, notably, fresh or dry herbs (fennel or leek) and olive oil. Meat was also grilled on the eschara. The meat prepared in the above specified ways was served with mustard, fresh herbs (mainly oregano) or with sauces, the recipes of which have been preserved in the De re coquinaria. Ancient and Byzantine cooks also stewed the meat, usually with some vegetables (for instance, asparagus) or fruit (for instance, wild water melon). All salt fish dishes were accompanied mainly with bread and sometimes with fresh raw vegetable salads or lentil soup. Dieticians considered salt fish a valuable kind of food. It was regarded as relatively nutritious, contributing to digestion, though of a questionable aroma. It tended to dilute thick humours and was characteristic of desiccating qualities. The last two characteristics were discussed at length in medical treatises and widely profited from by ancient and Byzantine medical doctors while prescribing diets and preparing numerous medicines. Salt meat was recommended to prevent results of the existence of unwanted humours in the body and used to cure ulcers, sores and irritations of various kinds.

PL

Rozważania na temat konserw rybnych, określanych jako tarichos, zajęły poczesne miejsce w dziełach wielu autorów greckich, w tym także w dorobku literackim Atenajosa z Naukratis, Galena, Orybazjusza, Aecjusza z Amidy, Pawła z Eginy i wielu innych. Choć pozornie wiemy o tych przetworach dużo, w rzeczywistości jest wiele niejasności, które w znaczny sposób utrudniają nam zrozumienie roli przetworów rybnych w diecie, kuchni i medycynie okresu antycznego oraz bizantyńskiego.

12

Kanon portretowania w historiografii bizantyńskiej na przykładzie portretu Boemunda w Aleksjadzie Anny Komneny

100%

Kokoszko M.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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2000

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issue 67

59-73

EN

Anna Komnena (1083-1153/1154), the daughter of emperor Alexios I, was involved in the most important political events of her father’s reign. Not only could she witness the developments of her lifetime, but she also managed to put her brand on her father’s and brother’s policy. That is why she gained excellent competence both in political and religious developments of the time. Her superb education contributed to an exceptionally high merit of the work she wrote. One of the most critical problems Alexios I had to face was the Norman expansion, which during his reign assumed a form of continual wars waged by the Empire, first against Robert Guiscard, and later his son, Boemund. The emperor did not succeed in eliminating the Norman danger because he was also forced to combat numerous incursions of the Turks. Anna Komnena included in her work a number of literary portraits. One of them describes Boemund. The description matched against the descriptions of emperors Alexios I and John I as well as Boemund’s father, Robert Guiscard, proved to imitate physiognomical rules. Since the portrait of Boemund includes a cornucopia of elements which draw an analogy to other Byzantine literary portraits, it is highly likely that there existed a canon of description that was employed in historical works. It mostly applied to imperial portraits, however, the example of the Alexias proves that it could also have been utilised in the description of other exceptional characters. The Alexias also bears out the existence of a dichotomy between the schema of description of bad and good emperors. In Anna’s work it is clearly visible in the descriptive manner she adopted, on the one hand, in the portraits of Alexios, Robert and Boemund and, on the other hand, in the description of infant John, later emperor John I. Anna Komnena’s work is also another proof of popularity of physiognomical knowledge in Byzantium. It is worth noticing that she makes a reference to the most celebrated figure in the field of physiognomy, namely Polemo of Laodicea.

13

Portret Augusta u Malalasa

100%

Kokoszko M.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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1993

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issue 48

61-70

EN

John Malalas was one of the most famous Byzantine chroniclers. He was born in Antioch in the 90s of the Vth and died in the 70s of the VIth century, in Constantinopole. He inserted into the work a series of literary portraits referring to emminent personages. The descriptions are deeply rooted in the Greek and Roman literary tradition. There is an easily discernible chain of renowned Greek and Roman authors who predcessed Malalas in the field. The art of description in antiquity was extensively influenced by the science of physiognomies. Consequently, vast majority of literary portraits we encounter in the ancient times bear visible signs of physiognomical impact. The authors dealing with the subject of physiognomies are Aristotle, Plato, Cicero, Vitruvius, Lucian, Dio Chrysostomus, Galen, Clements, Tertuliian and numerous others. They make up a link between antiquity and Byzantine times. Through them the knowledge of physiohnomics infiltrated the work by Malalas. The aim of the writer (on the basis of physiognomical analysis) was to chracterise the emperor Augustus. The image proves to be very favourable. The general aim of the chronographer was to corroborate the image of imperial power by means of physiognomical lore. Additionally, the description is very close to the image provided by other sources (both literary and iconographie).

14

A peach (Prunus persica [L.] Batsch.) in Ancient and Early Byzantine Medicine According to Selected Sources (1st – 7th c. AD.)

63%

Jagusiak K., Kokoszko M.

Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae

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2018

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vol. 28

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issue 2

27-41

PL

The peach (Prunus persica [L.] Batsch) is a tree native to the region known today as Northwest China, where its fruits were known around 2000 BC. Inhabitants of the Mediterranean Area came into contact with the peach probably between the 6th and 4th century BC thanks to the contacts with Persian Empire. In the western part of the Mediterranean Region the peach appeared later (ca. 1st c. AD). In the period under study there were many varieties of the peach, and they were eaten in many different ways – e.g. raw, dried, boiled etc. They could be consumed without any other ingredients, or as an element of more complicated dishes. Ancient and early Byzantine authors, who wrote their treatises between the 1st and 7th c. AD, and dealt with medicine (Dioscorides, Pliny the Elder, Galen, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida, Paul of Aegina, Athimus and others), described dietetic properties of a peach with details. Moreover, they left some information about a medical use of this fruit. This aspect of their works is an element of a wider and well-known phenomenon, i.e. an important role of all groups of aliments in the ancient art of healing.

15

Barley flour (áleuron kríthinon) in ancient and early Byzantine medicine (I – VII c. AD)

63%

Jagusiak K., Kokoszko M.

Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae

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2016

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vol. 27

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issue 1

41-51

PL

The following article attempts to address two issues. The first one concerns dietetic characteristic of barley flour, which was a very popular product used both in Graeco-Roman and Byzantine culinary art and medicine. The second one deals with the therapeutic role of this product: different forms of remedies made from it, its effects on the human body, and various health problems cured by an application of medicines containing aleuron krithinon. To address these questions we study ancient and Byzantine Greek medical sources written between the 1st and 7th century AD by Dioscurides, Galen, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida, Alexander of Tralles, Paul of Aegina, and the anonymous author of the treatise entitled De cibis.

16

Proso w gastronomii antyku i wczesnego Bizancjum

63%

Rzeźnicka Z., Kokoszko M.

Vox Patrum

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2013

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vol. 59

401-419

EN

The present article deals with some culinary applications of millet in Antiquity and Byzantine period, as demonstrated in select Greek and Roman literary sources (Athenaeus of Naucratis, Pedanius Dioscurides, Galen, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida, Alexander of Tralles, Symeon Seth, Geoponica, Byzantine lexica, Cato, Columella, Antimus and Apicius). The authors of the article start their analysis with presenting two kinds of millet, which ancient and Byzantine people were familiar with, namely Latin – milium, i.e. broomcorn millet, Latin – panicum, i.e. foxtail millet. Subsequently, they demonstrate suitability of the cereals for bread baking. As result, they prove that millet bread was fairly popular and appreciated, even though Greek dietitians promoted the doctrine that millet was suitable for the purpose of bread production only in the time of scarcity of other, better quality grains. Accordingly, they specify various kinds of bread and describe diverse sorts of ovens (furnus, furniculus) it was baked in. The authors also write about one of the ancient desserts, occasionally made of millet flour, namely about libum. Then, the authors of the article discuss Roman puls, which were two kinds of foods eaten (instead of bread) by a considerable fraction of ancient and Byzantine society and which could also be prepared from the analyzed cereal. The discussion is exemplified with some extant recipes. Ultimately, the authors of the study refer to the evidence left by medical writers (Galen, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida, Alexander of Tralles), as they discuss soups/ gruels and beverages prepared from millet, which were said to possess some medical values (and, as the sources reveal, were profited from mostly to cure alimentary tract disorders).

17

Pisma Orybazjusza jako źródło informacji o pożywieniu ludzi w późnym Cesarstwie Rzymskim

63%

Jagusiak K., Kokoszko M.

Vox Patrum

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2013

|

vol. 59

339-357

EN

The article makes an attempt at the presentation of medical works written by Oribasius (ca. 325 – ca. 400 A.D.), well educated physician from Pergamon, and a close friend of Julian the Apostate. It discusses the content of the treatises, reasons for their compiling and circumstances accompanying the creation of three of his extant writings, notably Collectiones medicae, Synopsis ad Eustathium filium, and Libri ad Eunapium. Moreover, the study presents available information about his lost medical work, whose title is now unknown. The authors focused on these parts of Oribasius’ works, which concern food and dietetic, i.e. five books of Collectiones medicae (from I to V), book IV of Synopsis ad Eustathium filium and a part of book I of Libri ad Eunapium. The above-mentioned books enlist the most important foods like cereals, cereal products (breads, cakes, groats, pancakes), vegetables, fruits, meats, fishes, and seafood, dairy products, soft and alcoholic drinks as well as enumerating some specific diets and groups of food divided according to their properties or influence on human body. An important part of the article is a succinct presentation of sources of Oribasius’ dietetic expertise, and moreover a brief discussion of the medic’s impact on medical systems in three different cultural circles, namely the Byzantine, Arab, and Latin. The authors’ research corroborates the already existing view that major dietetic parts of Collectiones medicae, Synopsis ad Eustathium filium and Libri ad Eunapium are based on writings of Galen (which he, however, reworked with a view of their simplification), but there are many fragments taken from other authorities, for instance Pedanius Dioscurides, Athenaeus from Attalia, Diocles of Carystus, Rufus of Ephesus to mention but a few. As for medical authors, who excerpted or translated Oribasius’ works, the most renowned are Aetius of Amida, Paul of Aegina, Alexander of Tralles, Hunayn ibn Ishāq, and the representatives of the medical school of Salerno. Finally, the authors claim, that Oribasius’ heritage is important especially for two reasons. First of all, it helped preserve a large amount of citations from ancient works, which today are lost, and known only thanks to the physician’s painstaking work. Secondly, it contains a cornucopia of information about food, which reflect culinary habits of Late Roman society, and specifically of the Late Roman food market.

18

Termin kandaulos/kandylos (κανδαυλοσ/ κανδυλοσ) na podstawie λεχεων συναγωγη Focjusza oraz "Commentari ad Homeri Iliadem" Eustacjusza z Tessaloniki

63%

Kokoszko M., Gibel-Buszewska K.

Vox Patrum

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2010

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vol. 55

361-373

EN

The present article focuses on one of the Greek delicacies mentioned by Photius and Eustathius, i.e. a Lydian import called kandaulos/kandylos. The dish was developed before the mid. VI th c. BC and named after a Lydian king, Kandaules, who ruled in the VII th c. BC. The delicacy was (via the Ionians) borrowed by the Helens and established itself in Greece sometime in the V th c. It became popular in Hellenistic times. The information we possess allow us to reconstruct two varieties of kandaulos/ kandylos. The first was savoury and consisted of cooked meat, stock, Phrygian cheese, breadcrumbs and dill (or fennel). The other included milk, lard, cheese and honey. The dish is reported to have been costly, prestigious and indicating the social status of those who would eat it. Though there is much evidence suggesting its popularity in antiquity, we lack solid evidence proving that kaunaudlos/kandylos was eaten in Byzantine times. On the other hand, Byzantine authors preserved the most detailed literary data on the delicacy. If it had not been for the Byzantine interest, our competence in the field of Greek cuisine would be even faultier.

19

Focjusz a kuchnia grecka, czyli kilka słów o abyrtake (abyptakh)

63%

Kokoszko M., Gibel K.

Vox Patrum

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2008

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vol. 52

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issue 1

495-504

EN

The present commentary is aimed at elucidating the terms made use of by Photius, the Patriarch of Constantinople, in the entry abyrtake included in his Lexicon. The authors of the study maintain that abyrtake was a sauce of Medic (i.e. Persian) origin, which might have been known to the Greeks even before the VIth century but eventually beeame popular in the IVth, BC. It was a luxury dish eonsisting of vinegar, eress, garlic, mustard, raisins and salted capers.

20

„Eat, drink and be merry” (Luke 12:19). Food and wine in Byzantium. In honour of Professor A.A.M. Bryer, ed. L. Brubaker – K. Linardou, Aldershot – Hampshire 2007, Ashgate Publishing Limited, ss. 272.

63%

Kokoszko M., Gibel K.

Vox Patrum

|

2009

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vol. 53

719-728

PL

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Sosy w kuchni greckiej. Garum (garos) i pochodne

Orygenes fizjonomistą? Kilka uwag na temat "Przeciw Celsusowi" I 33

Sławomir Bralewski, Obraz papiestwa w historiografii kościelnej wczesnego Bizancjum, Byzantina Lodziensia X, Łódź 2006, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, ss. 334

On Anthimus and his work

Anthimus and His Work, or on Aromatics and Wildfowl in De observatione ciborum

Teozofia cesarza Juliana Apostaty

Andrew Dalby, „Food in the Ancient World from A to Z”, Routledge, London – New York 2003, ss. 408

Heroic Portraits in the Fifth Book of John Malalas’ Chronicle

Historia kuchni antycznej i bizantyńskiej. Sos karyke (ĸαρύκη). Komentarz do „Chronografii” Michała Psellosa

Sally Grainger, “Cooking ‘Apicius’. Roman Recipes for Today”, Blackawton, Totnes, Devon (Prospect Books) 2006, ss. 128

Kuchnia i dietetyka późnego antyku oraz Bizancjum. Kilka uwag na temat spożycia, sporządzania, przyrządzania, wartości dietetycznych i zastosowań medycznych konserw rybnych w antycznej i bizantyńskiej literaturze greckiej

Kanon portretowania w historiografii bizantyńskiej na przykładzie portretu Boemunda w Aleksjadzie Anny Komneny

Portret Augusta u Malalasa

A peach (Prunus persica [L.] Batsch.) in Ancient and Early Byzantine Medicine According to Selected Sources (1st – 7th c. AD.)

Barley flour (áleuron kríthinon) in ancient and early Byzantine medicine (I – VII c. AD)

Proso w gastronomii antyku i wczesnego Bizancjum

Pisma Orybazjusza jako źródło informacji o pożywieniu ludzi w późnym Cesarstwie Rzymskim

Termin kandaulos/kandylos (κανδαυλοσ/ κανδυλοσ) na podstawie λεχεων συναγωγη Focjusza oraz "Commentari ad Homeri Iliadem" Eustacjusza z Tessaloniki

Focjusz a kuchnia grecka, czyli kilka słów o abyrtake (abyptakh)

„Eat, drink and be merry” (Luke 12:19). Food and wine in Byzantium. In honour of Professor A.A.M. Bryer, ed. L. Brubaker – K. Linardou, Aldershot – Hampshire 2007, Ashgate Publishing Limited, ss. 272.