Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie dyskursu fake newsa w konfrontacji z dyskursem newsa. Za wzorzec analizy dyskursu newsa przyjąłem teorię dyskursu Teuna van Dijka. Analiza studiów kilku przypadków fake newsa pozwoliła na wyciągnięcie wniosków dotyczących struktury fake newsa i odpowiedź na pytanie, jak jest w ogóle możliwy dyskurs fake newsa. Analiza pokazała, że warunki jego możliwości tkwią m.in. w podobieństwach strukturalnych, wspólnych wartościach informacyjnych, zmianach technologicznych w mediach i sposobach odczytywania wiadomości przez odbiorców. Zjawisko rozpowszechniania się fake newsów stwarza obecnie zagrożenie dla funkcjonowania sfery publicznej, dlatego konieczna jest edukacja medialna skoncentrowana przede wszystkim na umiejętności krytycznej analizy źródeł informacji.
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The purpose of this article is to present the fake news discourse in confrontation with the news discourse. For the pattern of the discourse analysis of the news, I adopted T. van Dijk’s theory of discourse. Analysis of the study of several cases of fake news allowed to draw conclusions about the structure of fake news and the answer to the question of how the fake news discourse is at all possible. The analysis showed that the conditions of its possibilities are among others in structural similarities, common news values, technological chan in the media and how recipients read messages. The phenomenon of spreading fake news now creates threat for the functioning of the public sphere. For this reason, media education should focus primarily on the ability to critically analyze sources of information.
Wydanie publikacji dofinansowane przez Komitet Badań Naukowych
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The author presents in this article mutual connections between West Mazowsze and the Teutonic Order in years 1381-1411. The politics of West Mazowsze in this period can be identified with politics of prince Siemowit IVth. After his father's death in 1381 he became a ruler of the following lands: płocka, zawkrzeńska, rawska, gostynińska, sochaczcwska and wiska. Prince Siemowit IVth remained neutral and even friendly before the Teutonic Order for a long time. In years 1382-1385 prince participated in fight for Polish throne. From 1386 he was considered to be a confederate of King Władysław Jagiełło. He took part in discourses (negotiations) with the Teutonic Order as a plenipotentiary of Polish king. In spite of this, relations with the Teutonic Order were still good. Politics of prince Siemowit IVth was very adequate before King Jagiełło and the Teutonic Order, as well. His main political principle was oscillating between them. It can be concluded, that this kind of politics brought many interests (goods) for Mazowsze land. Siemowit IVth was welcome favourably on the court in Cracow and in Malbork, as well. But situation became very difficult for him when the war between Poland and the Teutonic Order broke out (1409) Prince Siemowit IVth probably did not participate in fighting in that time. He remained neutral. But in the 4th of July 1410 (under the influence of King Jagiełło) he declared war to the Teutonic Order. Then he organised two companies for Grunwald campaigne under his son - Siemowit Vth command. Siemowit IVth also took part in negotiations in Toruń (1411). Summing up, we can say that relations between West Mazowsze and the Teutonic Order were in general proper. There were more periods of friendship and neighbourly co-operation than periods of mutual enmity.
The Article concerns the ethical dilemmas faced by political journalists. This prob-lem has been discussed in the context of the complaints which have been considered by the Council of Ethics of the Media, the decisions of the Commission of Ethics in TVP, as well as on the example of several case studies, in which some abuses of journalistic ethics are stated. The method of analysis was a content analysis. With the presented analysis of complaints and matters relating to political jour-nalists, it appears that journalists violate ethical standards: manipulate facts and images, use rumours and unverified information, affecting the personal rights and the privacy of non-executive public, do not respect the principles of objectivity and impartiality. There are, however, situations when journalists have suffered punish-ment in the form of dismissal, even though they acted in accordance with ethical principles. In conclusion, the dilemmas of political journalists can be divided into: (1) profes-sional (2) relational, (3) newsrooms, and (4) dilemmas of conscience.
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