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Dwadzieścia pięć lat powszechnych wyborów prezydenckich w Polsce. Potrzeba rewizji?

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Glajcar R.
Studia Politologiczne
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2016
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vol. 42
13-34
EN
Since 1990, the president of the Republic of Poland has been elected by direct popular vote. In this period, the position of the office of president has undergone significant change. Each consecutive legal act of a constitutional nature (the Small Constitution of 1992 and the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997) imposed limitations on the range of competences (powers) of the president. Is it thus necessary to revise the current rules of how the head of state is elected? To help answer this question, an attempt was made to view the issue raised in the title of the paper from three perspectives: 1) systemic rationality, 2) political parties as the main political actors and 3) a citizen-based approach as reflected in the preferences and behaviours of the sovereign.
2
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Polski Kościół w dobie transformacji systemowej.

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Glajcar R.
Roczniki Administracji i Prawa
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2012
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vol. 12
75-92
PL
Problematykę relacji państwo–Kościół można uznać za jeden z najciekawszych aspektów badań nad procesami transformacji systemowej w Polsce. Zarówno względy historyczne, społeczne, jak i kulturowe determinują postrzeganie Kościoła jako podmiotu o wyjątkowym charakterze. Spór o obecność Kościoła w przestrzeni politycznej rozgorzał wraz z wejściem Polski na ścieżkę rozwoju demokratycznego. Wpływa on zarówno na strategie, do których odwołują się główni aktorzy polityczni, jak i na sam Kościół, w którym w ciągu minionych ponad dwudziestu lat pojawiło się wiele nurtów prezentujących zróżnicowane poglądy na temat sposobów jego zaangażowania się w urzeczywistnianie wartości chrześcijańskich w sferze polityki.
EN
The issues behind the relationship between Church and State are one of the most intriguing aspects in the study of the processes of systemic transformation in Poland. Historical, social and cultural factors all point to the unique nature of the Church. The dispute over the presence of the Church in politics flared up with Poland’s entering the path of democratic development. The discussion has had an impact on both the strategies employed by the main political actors and on the Church itself, within which numerous schools of thought have appeared, each one of which presents a different approach towards the involvement of the Church in the realization of Christian values in politics.
3
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Book Review: Jerzy Jaskiernia, Dyplomacja Parlamentarna, Adam Marszałek Publishing House, Toruń 2022, pp. 975.

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Glajcar R.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2022
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issue 3 (51)
195-199
4
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Reguły rywalizacji wyborczej a interesy partii politycznych – o politycznych konsekwencjach zmiany systemu wyborczego do Senatu RP w 2011 roku

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Glajcar R.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2012
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vol. 35
11-23
EN
Electoral systems are one of the most important instruments via which political actors shape national politics. For some groups they are seen as a source of future reward, while for others they lead to their demise, eliminating them from any right to decide about the politics of the state. There is no system that is able to combine both guaranteed stability of power with a faithful reflection of the political solutions sought after by the voters. For this reason it is all the more justified to look at electoral systems through the prism of the interests of political parties, especially of those who have the necessary majority to see various projects adopted. The change of the Polish Senate’s electoral system in 2011 is an excellent example of how the interests of political parties can override those of the voters.
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Egzekutywa we współczesnych reżimach demokratycznych

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Glajcar R.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2013
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vol. 38
183-203
EN
Analyzing the relationship between the legislative and executive power helps to understand that the modern democratic political regimes are usually described on the basis of three typical models: parliamentary, presidential and semipresidential. They are more or less differentiated internally, which naturally makes it difficult to conduct research. This is the effect of competition on the political institutions, which takes place between the political actors, seeking to create the most rational, from their perspective, institutional structure. As the result, these types of activeness are beginning to blur the boundaries between classical models of political regimes, and creates institutional arrangements eclectic, built on the basis of specific solutions for different models of democratic political regimes. Additionally we shouldn’t remain indifferent to the changes in the sphere of noninstitutional determinants of the functioning of the various political regimes. The procedure of identifying general trends in the processes of governance in the modern world becomes possible to notify similarities in the functioning of the executive in the various models of democratic political regimes. The trend in strengthening the executive bodies, especially the bodies with single actors is against the traditional models of democratic political regimes. This also determines the subsequent changes, and one of the most important is the growing centralization of decision-making processes, coordinated and controlled by the chief executive.
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Krystyna Leszczyńska (red.), Rzeczpospolita Polska 1989-2009. Problemy wybrane. Toruń: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, 2010, ss. 210

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Glajcar R.
Studia Politicae Universitatis Silesiensis
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2013
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vol. 10
PL
Na rynku wydawniczym pojawiło się sporo publikacji poświęconych podsumowaniu pierwszych dwudziestu lat przemian systemowych w Polsce. Stanowią one mniej bądź bardziej udane próby bilansu tego okresu. Rozległość procesów transformacyjnych zmusza autorów do wyboru zagadnień, które wydają się szczególnie istotne. Dlatego też dobór tych zagadnień, mimo że ma charakter arbitralny, musi być uzasadniony i mieć odzwierciedlenie w jasnej konstrukcji pracy. Właśnie ten wymóg spełnia publikacja Rzeczpospolita Polska 1989-2009. Problemy wybrane, pod redakcją Krystyny Leszczyńskiej. Rzadko się zdarza, aby praca zbiorowa miała tak spójny charakter. Dobór dziesięciu kwestii, które zostały poddane analizie przez grono najwybitniejszych polskich politologów i historyków, uznaję za przemyślany i w pełni uzasadniony. To ogromny walor tej publikacji.
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Evolution of the Polish political regime in the period of democratic transition

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Glajcar R.
Studia Politicae Universitatis Silesiensis
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2014
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vol. 13
PL
Abstract: Transition, which is the starting point for any democratic change, in the Polish political context constituted a period of development of institutional solutions, which set the direction for the evolution of the political regime in sensu stricto in the years to come. An analysis of the relationship between the parliament, the president and the government requires that a reference be made to the traditional political regime models, that is parliamentarism, presidentialism and semi‑presidentialism. The functioning of either of these models assumes that a certain democratic minimum exists both in terms of a set of formal rules and politi­cal practice. Meanwhile, in the initial phase of the system change (from the Round Table to the first, fully competitive parliamentary elections in 1991), institutions characteristic for both democratic and authoritarian regimes functioned alongside each other. In these condi­tions, institutions restricted the political actors’ freedom of action by creating the political framework. The period of democratic transition perfectly illustrates the influence of actors on the shaping of specific institutional solutions.Key words: transition, political regime, parliament, president, government
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Model of election of the head of state of the Third Polish Republic – balancing between institutional coherence and political pragmatism

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Glajcar R.
Political Preferences
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2013
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issue 4
39-51
EN
Poland held its first ever popular presidential election at the end of 1990. Since then four such elections have been held i.e. in 1995, 2000, 2005 and 2010. In the meantime the position of the president gradually evolved hence giving rise to the question about which method for the election of the head of state is most “appropriate”. However, this issue was not an object of political deliberation for the major Polish political parties of the last 20 years. Firstly, this resulted from the popularity of the presidential election within society, which was reflected in high turnouts (considering Polish reality). Secondly, especially until the enactment of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 2 April 1997, no party wanted to run the risk of being accused of returning to the political transition solutions adopted at the Round Table. Thirdly, until the beginning of 2010, the competition for the office of president was “reserved” for charismatic leaders or party leaders. It was finally Donald Tusk, who decided not to contend for the presidential election of 2010 thus wanting to change the perception of the institution of president in the system of power and draw attention and emphasize the role and the importance of a government with a strong (normatively and factually) prime minister as the leader.
9
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Equal or Not? On the Material Aspect of Equality of European Parliament Elections in Poland

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Glajcar R.
Political Preferences
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2014
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issue 9
193-217
EN
This article focuses on the issue of equality of elections, in the context of the 2014 European Parliament election in Poland. Most often the definition of principles of elections’ equality comes down to emphasizing its two aspects: the formal one and the material one. The first of them refers to guaranteeing each person with the active voting right the same number of votes. The material aspect of the equality principle is connected with striving to guarantee the same “voting power” to the election participants. Most briefly, it means that a given number of people elect as many representatives as another group with the same numerical strength. The main aim of this article is focus on the material aspect of implementing the principle of equality in EP elections. In the article will be emphasized three issues decisive for the specific features of the electoral system (electoral districts, election threshold and electoral formula), at the same time influencing the range of implementation of the material equality of elections. General findings will be confronted with empirical data, which will allow to formulate conclusions about the degree to which the European Parliament election conducted in Poland on 25th May 2014 met the principle of material equality.
10
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Opposition of Parliamentary Groups and Their Internal (dis)unity – a New Measurement Tool

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Glajcar R.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
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2023
|
issue 6(76)
335-351
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie sposobu pomiaru rzeczywistego dystansu opozycyjności między parlamentarnymi frakcjami politycznymi. Uwagę skupiono na opozycyjności obserwowanej przez pryzmat zachowań frakcji parlamentarnych w potencjalnie ostatecznych głosowaniach legislacyjnych. Badania przeprowadzono na podstawie studium przypadku. Analizie poddano 1524 głosowania, które odbyły się w latach 2019–2021, a dokładnie w pierwszej połowie IX kadencji Sejmu RP. Zwrócono uwagę na poziom opozycyjności między frakcją rządzącą a tymi, które formalnie pozostawały poza obozem rządowym. W pierwszej kolejności pomiaru opozycyjności dokonano w oparciu o indeks podobieństwa w głosowaniach. Następnie zaproponowano nowe narzędzie pomiaru dające sposobność skwantyfikowania poziomu opozycyjności pomiędzy dwoma frakcjami uwzględniając stanowisko każdej z nich względem konkretnej sprawy, jak i zakres ich wewnętrznej spójności.
EN
The aim of this paper is to present a way of measuring the actual opposition distance between parliamentary political groups. Attention was focused on opposition observed through the lens of parliamentary group behaviour in potentially final passage votes. The research was conducted on the basis of a case study. The analysis was based on 1524 votes that were taken in the first half of the ninth term of the Polish Sejm. Consideration was given to the degree of opposition between the ruling group and those that formally remained outside the government camp. It was first measured using the Index of Voting Likeness. A new measurement tool was then proposed to quantify the level of opposition between the two groups, taking into account the position of each group on a particular issue, as well as the extent of their internal unity.
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