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1

Aaron Aleksander Olizarowski profesorem prawa Akademii Wileńskiej

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Niczyporuk P.

Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica

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2015

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vol. 14

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issue 2

181-206

EN

The professors of law at the Faculty of Law of the University of Vilnius were: Simon Dilger, John George Schauer and Aaron Alexander Olizarowski. On the other hand it raises doubts whether, in accordance with the act of foundation, only one chair of civil law (Roman) were established. Undoubtedly, canon law was taught at the two cathedrals. With high probability, Aaron Alexander Olizarowski also taught canon law. However, all indications are that he could take second chair in civil law (Roman) and lectures on this discipline. It is true that Aaron Alexander Olizarowski also promoted a few doctors of canon law, but in this period Vilnius Academy were other specialists who are likely to teach canon law. In addition, he was a layman, which could also be an obstacle to entrust lectures in canon law. In addition, CV, publications and complete education Olizarowski’s indicate that undoubtedly took a second chair in civil law (Roman) and lectured in this discipline. Having a doctorate both laws was adequate preparation to teach this course. Thus, Alexander Olizarowski, educated abroad, was the only lawyer and the right candidate for the role of professor of civil law (Roman) at the University of Vilnius.

2

Nadzór nad działalnością bankierów rzymskich (nummularii) w starożytnym Rzymie

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Niczyporuk P.

Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica

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2018

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vol. 17

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issue 2

87-100

EN

The aim of the article is the analysis of the legal and literary sources referring to theissue of supervision over the activity of bankers (nummularii). The considerationscarried out proved that the aediles, provincial governors or Urbis praefectus, exercisedsupervision over the bankers. Each of these officials had separate competences aspart of the supervision of nummularii. The banker’s activity was important fromthe point of view of public interest, which is why it is not surprising that the Romanofficials held extensive control over the activity of bankers.

PL

Celem artykułu jest analiza źródeł prawnych i literackich odnoszących się do kwestiinadzoru nad działalnością bankierów (nummularii). Przeprowadzone rozważaniadowiodły, że edylowie, namiestnicy prowincji lub praefectus Urbis, sprawowalinadzór nad bankierami. Każdy z tych urzędników posiadał oddzielne kompetencjew ramach nadzoru nad nummularii. Działalność bankiera była ważna z punktuwidzenia interesu publicznego, dlatego nie dziwi fakt, że rzymscy urzędnicysprawowali szeroką kontrolę nad tą sferą życia gospodarczego.

3

Janusz Marian Sondel (1937–2017)

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Niczyporuk P.

Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica

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2018

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vol. 17

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issue 2

243-245

EN

PL

4

Roman Law in Vilnius in the Period of Existence of the Academy of Vilnius

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Niczyporuk P.

Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica

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2014

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vol. 13

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issue 1

11-34

EN

The Vilnius University was established on 7th July 1578, pursuant to the Royal Decree of King Stefan Batory. The royal act of establishment has been conﬁrmed by the papal bull of Pope Gregory XIII on 29th October 1579 and by resolution of the Seym adopted in 1585. Before the rise of the Academy in Vilnius several schools had operated one of them founded by Peter Roizjusz. Thanks to the activity of this famous scholar and lawyer, the elements of Roman law were taught in Vilnius even before the creation of a university in Lithuania. At the beginning of the Academy there were no faculties of law or medicine. Presumably, this was connected with a lack of qualiﬁed staﬀ in Lithuania. Only under the privilege granted by King Władysław IV, dated 11th October 1644 was a law faculty opened (composed of a chair of canon law and two of civil law). It is very hard to present a list of professors of Roman law (civil) at the University of Vilnius. Perhaps this is due to the fact that apart from Roizjusz, other scientists interested in Roman Law did not teach in Vilnius. Presumably there was only one chair of civil law (Roman). There is no doubt that Roman law played an important role in the training of lawyers and was taught intermittently throughout the remaining period of the operation of the Academy. In addition, preserved sources reﬂect the scientiﬁc work of professors, who were employed there. Following the example of other universities, the Academy of Vilnius awarded in this ﬁeld a combined doctoral degree embracing “both laws” – civil and canon, which applied primarily to future law professors and high-ranking prelates who performed public functions. Probably there were no promoted doctors of civil law. The basis of the lectures were institutions of the Roman law of Justinian, and their content was not diﬀerent from the standards adopted in other universities.

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Stwierdzenie ciąży (inspectio ventris) jako środek ochrony interesów dziecka poczętego w prawie rzymskim

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Niczyporuk P.

Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica

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2010

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vol. 9

29-40

EN

The protection of an unborn child in the ancient Rome took important place because of the dignity (dignitas) of family and because of the public interest. This caused that there were many legal regulations about this problem. Treating the problem from the chronological perspective, the prevention of the interests of an unborn child was at first mentioned in SC Plancianum de liberis agnoscendis, and next in the edict de inspiciendo ventre custodiendoque partu and in the rescript divi Fratres , which were issued under rule of emperors Mark Aurelius and Lutius Verus (temporibus divorum fratrum). According to these regulations, the pregnant woman could be treated with: inspectio ventris, custodia ventris and custodia partus. The aim of these institutions was to confirm the state of pregnancy and to control woman till the moment of delivery. Undertaken measures were justified by the best interest of the unborn child, i.e. his protection. Legal regulation in SC Plancianum did not refer to the confirmation of pregnancy, because it was regulated in edictum de inspiciendo ventre custodiendoque partu, and then extended in the rescript Divi Fratres. In the praetor’s edict the institution of inspectio ventris is regulated – as an examination addressed to freeborn women, which was supposed to confirm of to deny the fact of pregnancy. This examination was made also when there was difference in the opinion about pregnancy between a man and his divorced wife. In particular it referred to cases when a woman was claiming that she is pregnant or she was denying this fact, contrary to the opinion of her husband. Similar situation took place after the husband’s death, when widow claimed that she wasn’t pregnant and there was no justified suspicion that the pregnancy is simulated. The examination was made by the midwives (obstetrices) and they were to exclude the simulation of pregnancy, or substitution a child or substitution of a dead child by the other one. The procedures undertaken towards midwives were stricly regulated in the praetor’s edict, in the commentary to this edict, and in the fragments Sententiae Pauli (PS. 2, 24, 5–9). According to rescript of emperors Mark Aurelius and Lutius Verus (Divi Fratres), if husband insisted on inspectio ventris, then a very respected woman was chosen. A wife had to go to her house to be examined by three midwives you could rely on. If all of them or two of them confirmed the fact of pregnancy, then a special legal procedure against woman was started. New midwives were engaged in it. It shows how big public interest was put to protect the unborn child and to ensure the legal continuity of family. Rescript Divi Fratres was probably published to explain some regulations coming from edictum de inspiciendo ventre custodiendoque partu. Also the commentaries of jurists had the same purpose. All of them together were important for regulation of inspectio ventris. Legal regulations of inspectio ventris were used even in the Greek-Roman Egypt. The confirmation can be found in papyrus dated 147–148 A.D. The procedure shown in this document is the same known from edict. The difference is that praetor could decide how may midwives should be engaged and where the examination was supposed to take place.

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Rzymskie regulacje prawne związane z ochroną dziecka poczętego

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Niczyporuk P.

Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica

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2009

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vol. 8

27-40

EN

Legal problems connected with the defining of pregnancy and with the protection of the interests of the unborn child were at first regulated in Senatus consultum Plancianum de liberis agnoscendis, and next in the edict de inspiciendo ventre custodiendoque partu and in the rescriptum divi Fratres. Senatus consultum Plancianum regulated only the question of establishment of paternity in marriage. Edict de inspiciendo ventre custodiendoque partu regulated the procedure, which should have been undertaken after the husband’s death, when former wife claimed to be pregnant. The main reason for these regulations was to eliminate the growing number of illegal practice concerning establishment of paternity, when the child was born after the death of his father or after the divorce of his parents. The results of applying the edict de inspiciendo ventre custodiendoque partu could have the legal importance for the future position of the unborn child. The edict regulated the procedure, which should have been applied after the death of husband, when woman was claiming to be pregnant. Once the procedure was applied, the praetor could grant bonorum possessio (D. 25, 4, 1, 10 i D. 25, 4, 1, 15). According to edictum, you could apply: inspectio ventris, custodia ventris and custodia partus to a pregnant woman. These institutions were used to confirm the fact of pregnancy and to observe the pregnant woman and the delivery. The edict de inspiciendo ventre custodiendoque partu was in use in case of the death of a husband of a pregnant wife and the purpose of this edict was to protect from simulation of pregnancy. According to the edict, the widow had to inform everybody potentially interested (or legal representatives) about pregnancy in one month’s time. The most important group which had to be informed, comprised of heirs of the dead person. According to the Ulpianus’s commentary, both testimonial and ab intestato heirs should have been informed.

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Nummularii – государственные и частные банкиры в древнем Риме

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Niczyporuk P.

Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica

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2013

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vol. 12

57-74

EN

Nummularii, like the other groups of entrepreneurs in the ancient Rome, such as tra- pezitae, argentarii, mensarii, mensularii, coactores, coactores argentarii, stipulatores argentarii, collectarii, were engaged in the banking business. Among the wide range of services oﬀered by the Roman bankers nummularii dealt initially only with the quality and exchange of coins. Therefore, by performing these operations they performed the role of oﬃcial assay institutions. Their duties were initially primarily to examine coins and metal from which they were made, and setting the value of minted gold and silver co- ins. Nummularii have used empirical examining methods, based on the senses of sight, touch, hearing, and by comparing them to the patterns and samples. They also checked whether the coin was minted by the appropriate authority. There is no evidence that other bankers, in addition to nummularii, were involved in the control of the quality of the coin. Presumably, after some time they expanded their business in banking. In addi- tion to examining the quality of coins nummularii also engaged in their exchange. They conducted also deposit operations and that’s why they became competitors to argentarii on the market of banking services.

8

Mensarii – как банкиры

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Niczyporuk P.

Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica

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2012

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vol. 11

61-76

EN

Mensarius is one of the terms describing Roman bankers. It is the Latin equivalent of the Greek trapezites – the term first used to describe persons making bank operations. This term was used by Titus Livius and from Ab urbe condita we can take important information about bankers. We find quinqueviri mensarii and triumviri mensarii. The first of them were appointed as a committee in 352 B.C., and according to plebiscitium de quinqueviris mensariis creandis. Quinqueviri mensarii were supposed to solve the problem of Roman citizens’ debts, arising from loans – nexum. They acted as as public banks. The results of the works of this committee were outstanding – they helped citizens and did not cause any loss for the treasury. It so happened, because they used public funds to cover the debts only when the debtors could give a sufficient guarantee. The rest of the debtors had to transfer their goods, which were then evaluated and sold. Triumviri mensarii were appointed as three independent clerks, having wide competences, to stop the crisis doming from the lack of money in circulation (propter penuriam argenti). They were appointed by lex Minucia de triumviris mensariis, from 216 B.C. The committee had probably the same competence as this from 352 B.C. However triumviri mensariis, contrary to the previous committee, were not appointed ad hoc, but they have operated as an office until 210 B.C. Their competence was wide. They registered citizens’ debts and were making payments. They were collecting money as depositum irregulare. Triumviri mensariis were clerks acting as state officials. You can claim that both described categories of Roman officials were acting as a sui generis public bank.

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Penal Sanctions Applicable to a Slave Engaged in Banking Activities

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Niczyporuk P.

Studia Iuridica Lublinensia

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2020

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vol. 29

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issue 4

EN

Gaius Suetonius in Vitae Galbae, as part of his Vita divi Augusti, described the case of a banker (nummularius) and the penal sanction applied to him by the later emperor Galba. The governor of the province of Hispania Tarraconensis ordered to cut off the hands of a banker who was unfairly changing money. In order to show even greater severity of the punishment, he ordered the cut off hands to be nailed to the table where the banker was performing the dishonest acts. Undoubtedly, nummularius punished by Galba conducted operations within mensa nummularia. The owners of the cantors used qualified people recruited from among the lower social strata, mainly slaves, to perform mint operations. The professional examination of the quality of a coin required a great deal of specialist work. The convict participated in the banking activity as a support technical personnel. The minting and testing operations ended with sealing the purse with tesserae nummulariae. Such specialized operations were not performed by Roman citizens. The content of tesserae nummulariae may be an indication that the testing operations were performed by slaves. Servi had actual knowledge of the contents of the controlled purses and the control process could be an opportunity for abuse or even punishable acts. The slave would therefore suffer a well-deserved and adequate punishment in the form of chopping off his hands and nailing them to the table at which he dishonestly carried out minting and testing activities.

PL

Gaius Swetoniusz w Vitae Galbae w ramach swoich Vita divi Augusti opisał przypadek osoby zajmującej się działalnością bankierską (nummularius) oraz sankcję penalną zastosowaną wobec niej przez późniejszego cesarza Galbę. Namiestnik prowincji Hiszpania Tarrakońska rozkazał obciąć ręce bankierowi nieuczciwie zmieniającemu pieniądze. By pokazać jeszcze większą surowość nakazanej kary, zarządził przybicie obciętych rąk do stołu, na którym ów bankier dokonywał nieuczciwych działań. Niewątpliwie ukarany przez Galbę nummularius prowadził operacje w ramach mensa nummularia. Właściciele kantorów do wykonania operacji menniczo-probierczych posługiwali się wykwalifikowanymi osobami rekrutującymi się z niższych warstw społecznych, głównie niewolników. Profesjonalne badanie jakości monety wymagało wielu czynności specjalistycznych. Skazany brał udział w czynnościach bankierskich jako pomoc techniczna. Operacje menniczo-probiercze kończyły się opieczętowaniem sakiewki przy pomocy tesserae nummulariae. Takich specjalistycznych działań nie wykonywali obywatele rzymscy. Zawartość tesserae nummulariae może wskazywać na to, że czynności probierczych dokonywali niewolnicy. Servi posiadali faktyczną wiedzę o zawartości kontrolowanych sakiewek, a proces kontroli mógł być okazją do nadużyć czy wręcz czynów karalnych. Niewolnik poniósłby więc zasłużoną i adekwatną karę w postaci odrąbania rąk i ich przybicia do stołu, przy którym nieuczciwie dokonywał czynności menniczo-probierczych.

10

Publikacje romanistyczne w Akademii Wileńskiej w latach 1644-1655

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Niczyporuk P.

Z Dziejów Prawa

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2019

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vol. 12

163-184

EN

In the years 1644-1655 the Faculty of Law of the Vilnius Academy published sev- eral publications of professors working there and promoted doctors of both laws (utriusque iuris). Some of them covered Roman law. The dissertation of Benedict de Soxo, Claves juris, contains numerous Romanistic motifs. The Rector of the Vilnius Academy discussed terms, phrases and principles rooted in Roman law. Also, considerations concerning the sources of law, its interpre- tation or the teaching of law had their romanistic roots. Aaron Aleksander Olizarowski, professor at the Faculty of Law of the Vilnius Academy, in his work De politica hominum societate, published in Gdańsk in 1651, made numerous references to Roman law. Most of the romanistic themes were included in the first book, De Domo, when discussing issues related to marriage and family. In 1650 Jan Marquarta wrote a dissertation on Roman law entitled De damno injuriae, which was the only dissertation on this legal matter at the Vilnius Academy in the years 1644-1655. Although the work concerned damage and liability for damages, its author additionally presented the historical development of sources of law in ancient Rome. The content and structure of the dissertation testifies to the good romanistic background of its author. The works referring in their content to Roman law, in the initial period of functioning of the Faculty of Law of the Vilnius Academy, testify to its important role in science and teaching at university law studies.

DE

In den Jahren 1644-1655 erschienen an der Juristischen Fakultät der Vil- niuser Akademie einige Publikationen von dort tätigen Professoren und promovierten Doktoren beiderlei Rechts (utriusque iuris). Ein Teil davon betraf das römische Recht. In der Dissertation von Benedicto de Soxo Claves juris sind zahlreiche romanistische Motive zu finden. Der Rektor der Vilniuser Akademie diskutierte Begriffe, Redewendungen und Prinzipien, die im römischen Recht verankert sind. Auch Überlegungen über Rechtsquellen, deren Auslegung oder Rechtswis- senschaften hatten ihre romanische Wurzeln. Aaron Alexander Olizarowski, Professor an der Juristischen Fakultät der Vilniuser Aka- demie, bezog sich mehrmals in seinem 1651 in Danzig veröffentlichten Werk De politica homi- num societate auf das römische Recht. Die meisten romanistischen Themen wurden im ersten Buch - De Domo - bei der Erörterung von Fragen, die mit der Ehe und Familie verbunden waren, gefunden. Im Jahr 1650 schrieb Jan Marquarta seine Dissertation zum römischen Recht mit dem Titel De damno injuriae, die in den Jahren 1644-1655 an der Vilniuser Akademie die einzige Disser- tation zu diesem Thema war. Obwohl das Werk Schäden und Schadensersatzhaftung betrifft, prä- sentierte sein Autor zusätzlich die historische Entwicklung der Rechtsquellen im antiken Rom. Der Inhalt und die Struktur der Dissertation zeugen von der guten romanistischen Vorbereitung ihres Verfassers. Die Arbeiten, die sich inhaltlich auf das römische Recht beziehen und in der Anfangsperiode der Tätigkeit der Juristischen Fakultät der Vilniuser Akademie erschienen, zeugen von seiner wichtigen Rolle in der Wissenschaft und im Lehren im universitären Jurastudium.

PL

W latach 1644 – 1655 na Wydziale Prawa Akademii Wileńskiej ukazało się kilka publikacji pracujących tam profesorów oraz wypromowanych doktorów obojga praw (utriusque iuris). Część z nich obejmowała swym zakresem prawo rzymskie. W rozprawie Benedykta de Soxo, Claves juris, odnaleźć można liczne wątki romanistyczne. Rektor Akademii Wileńskiej omówił terminy, zwroty oraz zasady mające swoje korzenie w prawie rzymskim. Także rozważania odnośnie do źródeł prawa, jego interpretacji czy nauki prawa miały swoje romanistyczne korzenie. Aaron Aleksander Olizarowski, profesor na Wydziale Prawa Akademii Wileńskiej, w dziele De politica hominum societate, wydanym w Gdańsku w 1651 roku, poczynił liczne odniesienia do prawa rzymskiego. Najwięcej wątków romanistycznych znalazło się w księdze pierwszej - De Domo, przy omawianiu zagadnień związanych z małżeństwem oraz rodziną. W roku 1650 Jan Marquarta napisał rozprawę z prawa rzymskiego zatytułowaną De damno injuriae , która była jedyną dysertacją z tej materii prawnej w Akademii Wileńskiej w latach 1644-1655. Co prawda praca dotyczy szkody i odpowiedzialności odszkodowawczej, jednakże jej autor dodatkowo przedstawił historyczny rozwój źródeł prawa w starożytnym Rzymie. Treść i struktura dysertacji świadczy o dobrym przygotowaniu romanistycznym jej twórcy. Prace odwołujące się w swej treści do prawa rzymskiego, w początkowym okresie funkcjonowania Wydziału Prawa Akademii Wileńskiej, świadczą o jego istotnej roli w nauce i nauczaniu na uniwersyteckich studiach prawniczych.

11

KILKA UWAG O KARZE MUTYLACYJNEJ WYKONANEJ WOBEC RZYMSKIEGO BANKIERA (NA MARGINESIE VITA GALBAE 9)

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Niczyporuk P.

Zeszyty Prawnicze

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2019

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vol. 19

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issue 1

103-115

EN

The aim of this article is to present the nummularii, one of several ancient Roman entities engaged in banking. One of the many duties entrusted to them was to examine and determine the nobility of gold and silver coins. This was the activity carried out by the protagonist of a story in Suetonius’ Life of Galba (9). This particular nummularius was a fraudster, and the future emperor punished him by having his hands cut oﬀ. To make the sentence even more stringent, Galba ordered the severed hands nailed to the table on which the double-dealing nummularius had carried out his dishonest business.

PL

Celem artykułu jest wyjaśnienie roli i znaczenia kary mutylacyjnejwykonanej na bankierze (nummularius) na podstawie relacji Swetoniusza.Nummularii byli jednym z wielu podmiotów zajmujących się działalnością bankierską w starożytnym Rzymie. Do podstawowych obowiązków, jakie były im powierzone, należało badanie szlachetności metalu, z którego były wykonane monety, oraz ustalanie wartości wybitych monet złotych i srebrnych. Taką aktywność bankierską wykonywał bohater relacji Swetoniusza z żywotu Galby. Przyszły cesarz rozkazał obciąć ręce bankierowi (nummularius) nieuczciwie zmieniającemu pieniądze. By pokazać jeszcze większą surowość kary, zarządził przybicie obciętych rąk do stołu, na którym ów bankier dokonywał nieuczciwych operacji.

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ZAWARCIE MAŁŻEŃSTWA ‘LIBERORUM PROCREANDORUM CAUSA’ W PRAWIE RZYMSKIM

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Niczyporuk P.

Zeszyty Prawnicze

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2014

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vol. 14

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issue 3

193-220

PL

MARRIAGE LIBERORUM PROCREANDORUM CAUSA IN ROMAN LAW Summary One of the chief purposes of the Roman institution of matrimony was procreation (liberorum procreandorum causa). There are numerous references in the sources to the institution of matrimony commending those citizens who marry in order to beget children. They are said to be living as Nature intended, since procreation secures the continuance of the family and tribe, especially as regards the passing down of the family name and estate to its heirs, and the guarantee that the religious rites (sacra familiaria and sacra gentilicia) will continue to be performed. Such observations were an expression of concern for the future of the Roman family. Marriage for the purpose of begetting progeny was regarded as sacrosanct, a religious duty: uxorem liberorum quaerundum causa ducere religiosum est. However, this applied only to children born of a iustum matrimonium – born in lawful wedlock to a couple who had entered an “approved marriage.” Roman citizens were encouraged and urged by the kings under the Monarchy, and even compelled by the censors, to marry and procreate. Augustus introduced legislation granting privileges to citizens who married, and special rights to families with a large number of children.

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BANKIERZY PUBLICZNI W ŹRÓDŁACH PRAWA RZYMSKIEGO

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Niczyporuk P.

Zeszyty Prawnicze

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2014

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vol. 14

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issue 1

113-131

PL

PUBLIC BANKERS IN ROMAN LAW SOURCES Summary The Romans had an extensive terminology for persons who engaged in banking activities; however, only nummularii and mensarii pursued activities on behalf of the State. Their operations may be regarded as public banking in the broad sense of the term, and were conducted from the 4th century BC until the 3rd century AD. Banking was of key importance in the peak period of growth for Roman trading and financial operations, and this is confirmed in the sources for Roman law. We do not have any records for the bankers referred to as nummularii until the period of classical Roman law, when we get fragmentary references to them in the writings of Roman jurists. There are only two passages on their public activities in the quality control and exchange of coinage; the first is by Sextus Caecilius Africanus, and the second is Ulpian’s commentary on the duties of the prefectus Urbi. Other references to them in the works of Roman jurists relate to their operations concerning deposits and credit, and as such do not belong to the sphere of public law. We get more mentions of public bankers in the Roman non-legal literature. Mensarii, who performed a certain type of public banking duties, are referred to in Livy’s Ab urbe condita. Cicero, Suetonius, and Festus also wrote about them. Moreover, Grammaticus treated the term mensarii as synonymous with nummularii. Presumably the two categories of public bankers were considered to be generally respected individuals. We also have mentions of the nummularii in the non-legal literature. In his Satyricon Petronius esteemed their skills of assessing the quality of coins; they were also held in high regard by Martial, Suetonius, and Apuleius. Suetonius wrote of the severe penalties imposed on the nummularii by the Emperor Galba. On the other hand, all we get in the epigraphic sources, mostly tombstone inscriptions from Rome, elsewhere in Italy, and the western provinces, are records of the activities of the nummularii for the quality control and exchange of coinage, considered an important duty from the point of view of the State. In fact the non-legal and epigraphic literature of Rome tells us more about public bankers than do the sources on Roman law. Their work did not give rise to many legal problems, as we may conclude from the fact they are mentioned only in two juridical passages. The assessment of the quality of coins and their exchange, and other banking activities on behalf of the State were sufficiently supervised by Roman administrative officers, so there was no need for jurists to comment on them at length.

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Bankierzy rzymscy u Liwiusza

100%

Niczyporuk P.

Studia Prawnicze KUL

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2014

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issue 1 (57)

119-134

PL

Spośród różnorodnej terminologii stosowanej w źródłach na określenie podmiotów zajmujących się działalnością bankierską, Liwiusz używał jedynie dwóch terminów. W Ab urbe condita znajdujemy wzmianki o argentarii. Liwiusz używał tego terminu odnosząc się do taberna - miejsca zawierania transakcji przez bankierów (Liv., Ab urbe condita 9,40,16; 26,11,11; 26,27 czy 40,51,5). Przy tej okazji historyk wspomniał o edylach, którzy sprawowali nadzór nad działalnością argentarii. Reglamentując przydział lokali znajdujących się na Forum, dokonywali oni niejako kontroli czynności bankierskich. Liwiusz używał również terminu mensarius omawiając swego rodzaju bank publiczny (mensa publica), czyli komisję quinqueviri mensarii działającą w imieniu i na rzecz państwa. Również Liwiusz wskazywał na komisję triumviri mensarii, czyli na trzech nadzwyczajnych urzędników w celu opanowania kryzysu spowodowanego brakiem pieniędzy w obiegu (propter penuriam argenti), powołaną z mocy lex Minucia de triumviris mensariis z 216 r. p.n.e. Zatem doniosłość operacji bankowych pod względem ekonomicznym i prawnym sprawiła, że Liwiusz dostrzegł i umieścił w Ab urbe condita zarówno publicznych urzędników bankowych zwanych mensarii, jak i bankierów prywatnych określanych łacińskim terminem argentarii.

EN

Livy describes in the Ab urbe condita both public bank officials called mensarii and private bankers referred to the Latin term argentarii. Bankers were offering their services to the customer in public places in special locations initially called tabernae argentariae which were situated in the Forum or other public places. Therefore, the term argentarii referred to those entrepreneurs (bankers) who dealt with deposits and loans and related businesses. References to the mensarii came from Livius. According to his records, pursuant to the statute called de quinqueviris mensariis creandis, a quinqueviri mensarii committee was appointed which acted for and on behalf of the state. It was a kind of a public bank (mensa publica). Livius also described a plebiscite called lex Minucia de triumviris mensariis (216 BC) under which the triumviri mensarii committee was established. Therefore, the mensarii operated in committees or colleges and their main task was to counterbalance the effects of the financial crisis in Rome. Therefore, they were a kind of banking officials operating for and on behalf of the state.

RU

Из разнородной терминологии, применяемой в источниках на определение субъектов, занимающихся банковской деятельностью, Ливий применял только два термины. В Ab urbe condita мы находим упоминания о argentarii. Ливий применял этот термин относясь к таб эрна - места заключения сделки банкирами (Лив., Ab urbe condita 9,40,16; 26,11,11; 26.27 ли 40,51,5). В этом случае историк вспомнил о эдылях, которые осуществляли надзор за деятельностью argentarii. Регламентируя распределение помещений, расположенных на Форум, они как бы контролировали деятельность банкиров. Ливий применял также термин mensarius, называя так своего рода общественный банк (mensa publica), то есть комиссию quinqueviri mensarii, действующую от имени и в пользу государства. Также Ливий указывал на комиссию triumviri mensarii, то есть на трех чрезвычайных служащих с целью преодоления кризиса, вызванного недостатком денег в обращении (propter penuriam argenti), призванную в силе lex Minucia de triumviris mensariis по 216 г. до н. э. Следовательно, значимость банковских операций с экономической и юридической точки зрения показали, что Ливий заметил и поместил в Ab urbe condita как государственных банковских служащих, называемы mensarii, так и частных банкиров, называемых латинским термином argentarii.

15

Mensarii, bankers acting for public and private benefit

100%

Niczyporuk P.

Studies in Logic, Grammar and Rhetoric

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2011

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issue 24(37)

105-115

EN

Mensarii were bank officials appointed or chosen by the state in some circumstances especially in the periods of general poverty. They appeared in Rome in the 4th century, in 352 BC. Quinqueviri mensarii were appointed then to solve the problem of citizens’ indebtness. The commission was established by the virtue of de quinqueuiris mensariis creandis plebiscite. As a consequence a kind of public bank was created, in which there were five citizens. Debt of those citizens who could provide a good security were covered from public resources by quinqueviri mensarii. The debtors who could not do so, transmitted their property to creditors as debt repayment. Seizure of property and forced sales were done after a reliable pricing by officials. The subsequent lexMinucia de triumviris mensariis, passed in 216 BC appointed triumviri mensariis, namely officials who had similar competences as quinqueviri mensari. However, unlike the preceding five-man commission they were not appointed once, in this case we can speak about a certain type of office which operated at least until 210 BC. This commission had probably wide competences. In 214 and 210 BC it registered citizens’ debts and made payments in place of bursars. Probably it also accepted money from the citizens on irregular deposit which was used to support scarce financial resources of the state. Even such charges as soldier’s pay were left in the hands of triumviri mensariis. It was a safe and sure form of deposit since financial resources entrusted to the state were easily reclaimable. Triumviri mensariis, accepted and registered every voluntary contribution for the benefit of the state. They collected gold, silver as well as the bronze mint coins. Mensarii arouse general respect and esteem as far as their activity was concerned.

16

Aron Aleksander Olizarowski i jego sylwetka naukowa w ocenie XIX-wiecznych polskich myślicieli

100%

Niczyporuk P.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica

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2023

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vol. 102

111-119

EN

Aron Aleksander Olizarowski’s opus vitae: De politica hominum societate is partially dedicated to the peasants’ question in Poland in the 17th century. His views were noted in the 19th-century Polish scholarly literature. Aloisio Luigi Capelli must have known Olizarowski’s work, since he presented the views expressed therein at scholarly meetings at the Vilnius University in 1817. Tadeusz Czacki repeatedly mentioned De politica hominum societate in his work entitled O polskich i litewskich prawach [On Polish and Lithuanian laws] and he also cited this work. This fact confirms the importance of Olizarowski’s views on the peasants’ question. Among other scholars, Feliks Słotwiński, Piotr Chmielowski, and Joachim Lelewel also mentioned De politica hominum societate in order to demonstrate Olizarowski’s original views on reforming the serfdom.

PL

Dzieło życia Arona Aleksandra Olizarowskiego De politica hominum societate jest częściowo poświęcone kwestii chłopskiej w Polsce XVII w. Zostało ono dostrzeżone w nauce polskiej w XIX w. Ludwik Alojzy Cappelli niewątpliwie znał to dzieło, gdyż prezentował poglądy w nim zawarte w ramach publicznych posiedzeń naukowych Uniwersytetu Wileńskiego w 1817 r. Również Tadeusz Czacki w pracy O litewskich i polskich prawach kilkakrotnie nawiązał do De politica hominum societate i cytował jego obszerny fragment. Zabiegi Czackiego mogą świadczyć o uznaniu doniosłości poglądów Olizarowskiego w kwestii chłopskiej. Również inni polscy uczeni, tacy jak: Feliks Słotwiński, Piotr Chmielowski czy Joachim Lelewel, nawiązywali do dzieła Olizarowskiego, by pokazać jego oryginalny wkład w próbę zreformowania stosunków pańszczyźnianych.

17

Reskrypt cesarza Hadriana o szkole epikurejskiej w Atenach

63%

Niczyporuk P., Tadajczyk K. T.

Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica

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2014

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vol. 13

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issue 1

223-233

EN

In 121 AD, emperor Hadrian published a rescript in reply to the request submitted to the Princepsby the epicurean school in Athens via Trajan’s widow, Plotina. By vir- tue of the emperor’s constitution, head of the epicurean school at that time, Popilius Theotimos and his successors could freely select their successors irrespective of the can- didate’s citizenship. Yet, the reasons underlying this regulation remain unresolved and not completely clear, especially that they remained in contradiction with the valid legal order and other regulations of emperor Hadrian in this respect. Presumably, special treatment of epicureans was attributable to Trajan’s widow, Plotina. Her inﬂuence onto Hadrian, who owed her much, was quite signiﬁcant. Moreover, it was upon her requ- est that the emperor’s constitution was issued, which may evidence that the empress followed the epicurean philosophy, which was the source of her care for the school in Athens.

18

Legal Consequences of the Prohibition on Widows’ Remarriage in Roman Law

63%

Niczyporuk P., Kołodko P.

Zeszyty Prawnicze

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2018

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vol. 18

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issue 3

151-177

PL

Skutki prawne zakazu zawierania małżeństw wdowom w prawie rzymskim Streszczenie W okresie archaicznym pogwałcenie zakazu odnoszącego się do żałoby było czynnością określoną jako nefas i dlatego miała tutaj zastosowanie sankcja prawa sakralnego. Wdowa powinna była złożyć ofiarę ekspiacyjną zwaną piaculum, którą była bovis feta. Norma sakralno-obyczajowa doznawała przeobrażeń i przekształciła się w ius. Zakaz zawarcia ponownego małżeństwa przez wdowę w okresie tempus lugendi był postrzegany w epoce przedklasycznej przede wszystkim przez pryzmat sankcji ius civile. Zachodziła bowiem obawa co do ojcostwa przyszłego potomstwa, które urodziłaby owdowiała kobieta. W tekście edictum perpetuum zostały wymienione osoby, które podlegały infamii w przypadku złamania zakazu secundae nuptiae wdowy po śmierci męża. Nie mogły one działać postulare pro aliis ani też występować jako procurator lub cognitor. Pretorska infamia pociągała za sobą niemożność ustanawiania tych zastępców procesowych. Epoka klasyczna przyniosła zasadnicze zmiany w kwestii secundae nuptiae. Cesarz August, pomimo że zachęcał do zawierania powtórnych związków małżeńskich, to jednak w swoich ustawach pozostawił wdowie pewien okres (vacatio) w czasie którego mogła ona powstrzymać się od powtórnego małżeństwa. Regulacje te miały swój związek z żałobą a przede wszystkim były próbą okazania przez cesarza szacunku dla univira. Cesarz August utrzymał w mocy przepisy, które okrywały niesławą osoby naruszające zakaz powtórnego małżeństwa wdowy po śmierci męża. Aktualność tych regulacji spowodowała, że stały się przedmiotem komentarzy jurystów, chociażby ze względu konieczność uniknięcia niepewności co do ojcostwa przyszłego potomstwa, które urodziłaby owdowiała kobieta. Unormowania mogą też świadczyć o tym, że ich twórcom przyświecała idea, by małżeństwa były zawierane liberorum procreandorum causa, co w rezultacie miało doprowadzić do kontynuacji rzymskich rodzin w przyszłości, a szczególności sfery ich sacra, nomina czy pecunia.

EN

In the archaic period violations of the prohibition relating to mourning was regarded as a nefas and hence subject to penalisation under religious law. A widow guilty of an infringement was required to make an expiatory sacrifce known as a piaculum, viz. a bovis feta. This religious and customary practice underwent a series of transformations and eventually became a law (ius). In the pre-classical period the prohibition on the remarriage of widows in the period of mourning was perceived primarily as subject to penalties laid down by civil law. This was due to the question of the paternity of any oﬀspring such a widow might bear in the tempus lugendi. The edictum perpetuum names the persons who were liable to infamy if they committed a breach of the prohibition on the remarriage of a widow within the period of mourning for her deceased husband. Such persons could neither engage in postulare pro aliis nor act as a procurator or cognitor. One of the consequences of a sentence of praetorian infamy was the convicted person’s forfeiture of the right to appoint his or her plenipotentiaries for legal proceedings. The classical period brought fundamental changes in the law on remarriage. Nonetheless, even though Augustus encouraged citizens to remarry, yet his legal provisions left widows a certain period of time following the loss of their husband in which they could refrain from remarrying. The reason behind this legal arrangement was not so much mourning as such; it was rather a question of Augustus wanting to show his respect for univirae (women who had been married only once). Augustus kept in force the provisions that gave a bad reputation to people who violated the prohibition of widows’ remarriage. The significance and eﬀectiveness of these regulations made them a subject for jurists’ commentary, on account of the need to avoid situations where the paternity of children born to widows was uncertain. The prohibition on the remarriage of widows also shows that the creators of these regulations wanted marriage to be contracted primarily for the purpose of procreation, which would ensure the continuation of Roman families, especially as regards the perpetuation of their sacra, nomina, and pecunia.

19

Edykt cesarza Hadriana o oliwie1

51%

Niczyporuk P., Kołodko P., Tadajczyk K. T.

Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica

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2018

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vol. 17

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issue 2

249-261

EN

Emperor Hadrian was known for his sympathy for Greek culture. As a result of thishe passed a statute regulating the sale of fish in Attica. However, the Emperor paidparticular attention to Athens and decided to pass an imperial constitution (edictum)regulating the oil trade. The document has been preserved on the western gate ofthe Roman forum, but in a few places it contains gaps in the text that unleash its fullanalysis. The preserved regulation allows to show the sense of Emperor Hadrian’smarket policy. The main issue was to regulate the sale of oil and its supplies to Athens,with simultaneous indication of crimes and penalties as well as the procedure beforethe administration of justice in the event of violation of the provisions of the edictumHadriani de re olearia.

PL

Cesarz Hadrian był znany ze swych sympatii do kultury greckiej. Wyrazem tego byłachociażby kwestia regulacji sprzedaży ryb w Attyce. Jednakże szczególną atencjącesarz darzył Ateny i zdecydował się wydać konstytucję cesarską (edictum) regulującą kwestię handlu oliwą. Dokument zachował się na zachodniej bramie forumrzymskiego, lecz w kilku miejscach zawiera luki w tekście uniemożliwiające jego peł-ną analizę. Zachowane przepisy pozwalają ukazać sens regulacji cesarza Hadriana.Pierwszoplanową kwestią była problematyka regulacji sprzedaży oliwy i jej dostawdo Aten, z jednoczesnym wskazaniem sankcji karnych i procedury przed wymiarem sprawiedliwości w przypadku naruszenia postanowień edictum of Hadriani dere olearia.

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Legal Consequences of the Prohibition on Widows’ Remarriage in Roman Law

Edykt cesarza Hadriana o oliwie1