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EN
Thomas and Znaniecki became interested in the international migration issues nearly at the same time, at the beginning of the 20th century. Since they met, they concentrated, for about a decade, on the emigration from Polish lands to Western Europe and the US of a particular social class – the peasants. Znaniecki’s interests in ethnic (including national) matters continued after World War I. Thomas moved into other important sociological and psychological territories which strengthened his theoretical prominence. Only to a limited extent, he continued his theoretical concerns with the “immigrant types.” He published his findings under other names. Therefore, this article concentrates on Znaniecki’s contribution. It seems to be absurd to ask why Thomas and Znaniecki did not research other Polish internationally mobile groups than peasants. However, there seem to be good reasons to ask why the processes of organization of the collectivity of Polish immigrants to America were not theorized deeper in the masterpiece of sociology. In the opinion of the author, if Znaniecki had been more sociologically interested in some topics (like leadership) which later became prominent in his own work, he would look at the social organization more efficiently.
PL
Thomas i Znaniecki zainteresowali się badawczo problematyką migracji międzynarodowych mniej więcej w tym samym czasie, to znaczy na początku XX wieku. Od rozpoczęcia współpracy, skupiali się, przez całą dekadę, na emigracji z ziem polskich do Europy Zachodniej, a później do USA, jednej klasy społecznej – chłopów. Zainteresowania Znanieckiego kwestiami etnicznymi (w tym narodowymi) trwały również i po I wojnie światowej. Thomas skoncentrował się natomiast na innych, ogromnie ważnych z punktu widzenia socjologii i psychologii społecznej zagadnieniach, co przyczyniło się do wzmocnienia jego prestiżu jako teoretyka społecznego, i tylko w ograniczonym zakresie kontynuował swe wcześniejsze teoretyczne zainteresowania „typami imigrantów”. Publikował pod innymi nazwiskami. Stąd niniejszy artykuł skupia się na dorobku Znanieckiego. Wydaje się absurdem pytanie o to, dlaczego Thomas i Znaniecki nie badali czegoś innego niż to, co interesowało ich przede wszystkim – czemu nie studiowali losów innych niż chłopi polskich grup klasowych, aktywnie uczestniczących w migracjach międzynarodowych. Jednakże istnieją dobre powody aby spytać o to, dlaczego sposób zorganizowania zbiorowości polskich imigrantów do Ameryki nie został głębiej przebadany pod względem teoretycznym w klasycznym Dziele. W opinii autora niniejszego artykułu, gdyby Znaniecki był bardziej socjologicznie zainteresowany niektórymi tematami (jak na przykład przywództwo), które później stały się dla niego bardzo ważne, trafniej przebadałby procesy społecznej organizacji zbiorowości migracyjnych.
Sociológia (Sociology)
|
2009
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vol. 41
|
issue 6
507 – 525
EN
Sociology as an institution emerged in Western Europe in the mid-19th century, aiming at the analysis of societies in the process of industrialization. With the expansion of capitalism and industrialism, it also expanded into other regions of the world. Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), Poland being an example, was a region of delayed industrialization. It was an area in which rather ethnology than sociology was interested initially. Intellectual milieus of the region were very well educated and cosmopolitan. Many Western European ideas were studied here and attempts to implement them were strong. At the same time, many CEE intellectuals underlined the specific character of the region. As a consequence, within the spectrum of attitudes toward the scholarly analysis of CEE societies, we could distinguish two “ideal-type” options. One of them stressed that it was possible to build academic sociology in and of CEE, based on the rules of universal sociology, developed in the West. Other ideas opted for the building of the CEE sociology, which would be based on the specific historical experiences of the region. For the second option, CEE sociology was to be an alternative to the Western sociology or social sciences in general. The paper concentrates on the Polish case without neglecting other cases. It will discuss both historical and present situation, that emerging since 1989. CEE became much more open as a study area for Western scholars who have done a lot of their own research here in collaboration with their colleagues coming from the region itself. The ways in which this collaboration has been perceived by the “native” scholars is also a topic of analysis.
PL
Socjologia jako instytucja pojawiła się w Europie Zachodniej w połowie XIX wieku i zmierzała do analizy tamtejszych społeczeństw, zwłaszcza ich procesów industrializacji. Wraz z geograficzną ekspansją kapitalizmu i industrializmu, socjologia zaczęła obejmować swymi analizami coraz szersze obszary świata. Europa Środkowa i Wschodnia (ESW), a Polska jest tutaj jej głównym przykładem, była terenem opóźnionej industrializacji. Była obszarem, którym początkowo interesowała się badawczo raczej etnologia niż socjologia. Intelektualne kręgi tego regionu były bardzo dobrze wykształcone i na ogół kosmopolityczne. Inteligencja interesowała się wieloma ideami, które pojawiały się w Europie Zachodniej i jej część dążyła do wcielenia w życie tych idei w ESW. Równocześnie jednak, część intelektualistów regionu silnie podkreślała odmienność ESW od Europy Zachodniej. W konsekwencji, w obrębie spectrum postaw dotyczących naukowej analizy społeczeństw ESW, da się wyróżnić wyraźnie odrębne dwa typy idealne. Według jednego typu postaw, możliwe było stworzenie socjologii akademickiej w obrębie ESW i jej dotyczącej. Socjologia ta miałaby być oparta na regułach uniwersalistycznej socjologii, w sensie przyjętym na uogólnionym Zachodzie. Według drugiego typu postaw, trzeba było budować odrębną socjologię wschodnioeuropejską, opartą na specyficznych historycznych doświadczeniach regionu. Wedle tej drugiej opcji, socjologia wschodnio- i środkowoeuropejska miała być alternatywą dla socjologii zachodniej. Artykuł ten koncentruje się na przypadku polskim, ale nie lekceważy innych przykładów. Omawia zarówno sytuacje historyczne, jak i – w pewnej mierze – sytuację, która pojawiła się po roku 1989. ESW stała się wówczas znacznie bardziej niż poprzednio dostępna badawczo uczonym zachodnim, którzy prowadzą tutaj liczne studia we współpracy z “lokalnymi kolegami”. To, jak taka współpraca jest postrzegana przez przynajmniej część „lokalnych badaczy”, jest również przedmiotem tego tekstu.
EN
Sociology as an institution emerged in Western Europe in the mid-19th century, aiming at the analysis of societies in the process of industrialization. With the expansion of capitalism and industrialism, it also expanded into other regions of the world. Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), Poland being an example, was a region of delayed industrialization. It was an area in which Ethnology rather than Sociology was initially interested. The intellectual milieus of the region were very well educated and cosmopolitan. Many Western European ideas were studied here and attempts to implement them were strong. At the same time, many CEE intellectuals underlined the specific character of the region. As a consequence, within the spectrum of attitudes toward the scholarly analysis of CEE societies, distinguish two “ideal-type” options can be distinguished. One stressed that it was possible to build academic Sociology in, and of, CEE, based on the rules of universal Sociology, developed in the West. Other ideas opted for the construction of CEE Sociology, which would be based on the specific historical experiences of the region. For the second option, CEE Sociology was to be an alternative to Western Sociology or social sciences in general. The paper concentrates on the Polish case without neglecting other cases. It discusses both historical and present situations, that have emerged since 1989. CEE became much more open as a study area for Western scholars, who have done much of their own research here in collaboration with their colleagues from the region itself. The ways in which this collaboration has been perceived by the “native” scholars is also a topic of analysis
4
100%
Kultura i Społeczeństwo
|
2019
|
vol. 63
|
issue 4
179-191
PL
This essay addresses the question of the ties between various social levels, particularly in connection with research on Polish society at various stages of its post-war history. In reference to the theoretical reflections and research presented by Mikołaj Pawlak in the book Tying Micro and Macro: What Fills Up the Sociological Vacuum in 2018, the author of the article argues for the necessity of careful consideration in formulating research generalities, especially when they refer to terms or metaphors coined earlier, such as the idea of a sociological vacuum proposed in the 1970s by Stefan Nowak.
EN
Post-medieval Poland has been a country of emigration rather than immigration. Consequently, research on the former has dominated and there have been few studies on the latter process. Moreover, due to the character of immigration to Poland, there is nearly no research on highly skilled immigrants. The author of this text is primarily interested in the recent migrations of scientists. This kind of mobility is not completely unique but has some interesting characteristics. For instance, migrating scientists have better control over their life chances, their situation on the labour market is usually good, they have a relatively high status. This kind of mobility can be analyzed from the point of view of sociology of science as a global and local (national) enterprise; from the point of view of ethnography of scientific collaboration; but also from the traditional, for migration studies, point of view of the dynamics of culture contact, i.e. broadly understood assimilation processes, building of cultural ghettoes, or resistance to incoming aliens depriving the local people of attracting jobs.
PL
Ten tekst odnosi się tylko do społecznych ról socjologów akademickich. Krytyczna analiza popularnych ideologii („mitów”), nowych ruchów i inicjatyw społecznych, problemów i trosk w skalach mikro i makro, sposobów rozwiązywania ich i kosztów tych rozwiązań, powinny być głównymi zadaniami socjologii akademickiej. Elementarny kształt demokracji liberalnej wydaje się najważniejszym warunkiem zewnętrznym wypełniania tej roli.
EN
This talk refers only to the roles of academic sociologists. Critical analysis of popular ideologies („myths”), new social movements and initiatives, social problems and troubles on the micro and macro scales, ways of resolving them and social costs of such resolution, should be the basic tasks of sociologists. Elementary forms of liberal democracy seem to be an external precondition of playing such a role.
EN
This text was inspired by the work of Alice Salomon, a German social scientist active in first decades of the 20th century. It discusses the auxiliary and later creative role of women in sociology globally, from the mid-20th century until now. It is focused on the input of women to social theory. In the last part, the article discusses the role of women in Polish social sciences, but particularly the lack of systematic research on this issue.
EN
This article is a comment on Ryszard Borowicz’s text of 1992 on the post-1989 emigration of young people from Poland and on the debate inspired by Marek Okólski’s text of 2012 on the modernising impet of emigration. Three issues are being discussed in this article: 1) the adequacy of the „brain drain” concept, 2) relations between international migrations and modernization and 3/ some examples of empirical research on this problem.
EN
The aim of this article is to present some ramifications of the democratization processes in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) since 1989. The analysis concentrates on relations between the new dominant groups and cultural (mostly national and religious) minorities. The author outlines the concepts of democracy under conditions of cultural pluralism. He concentrates on similarities and differences between three levels of relations between the dominant groups and minorities: “institutional,” “semi-institutional,” and “non-institutional.” CEE is not homogenous neither among the countries nor among these spheres. Moreover, relations between dominant groups and minorities do not seem to be much more complicated than in some (actually many)Western countries. However, it seems to be easier in CEE to express oneself on political and cultural maters without fear of governmental reprisal than without fear of societal reprisal.
EN
As a scholarly discipline, Indian sociology draws upon British and American social anthropology and sociology but analyses and interprets a completely different than Western type of culture and social structure. Colonial past and post-colonial development remain very significant points of reference of Indian social sciences. Polish scholars are also interested in Indian social structure and culture.
EN
This text has three parts. In the first, I discuss the presence and absence of the concept of “social relations” in social sciences and focus on “ethnic relations.” Then, I analyse theways inwhich the theoretical problems of ethnic relations are conceptualized in sociology. Finally, I offer my own suggestions. Why is it worth dealing with concepts of interactions and social relations at all, especially with respect to macrosocial phenomena (such as “ethnic issues”)? First, it seems to me that these are some of sociology’s most basic concepts. Second, the relational and interactionist current in contemporary sociology offers some important inspirations relating to the analysis of macrocultural phenomena. I suggest to follow Randall Collins’ ideas and seek the “microfoundations” of macrosocial phenomena in the chains of interaction rituals present at the foundation of society as such. I intend to avoid such a sociological approach to ethnicity which calls all ethnic phenomena “ethnic relations” but in fact deals mainly with individual groups, types of structured ethnic order or attitudes. Actually, ethnic order rests on the interactionist understanding of the social relations between ethnic actors. It is these relations which dynamize social order.
EN
In this article, the authors analyze interactions in transnational spaces between different national regimes of organization of social life, shaped to a large extent by social protection systems. They are interested on the one hand in institutionally regulated patterns of intergenerational relations in a specific society, and on the other hand, in individual (but culturally conditioned) social practices. The article distinguishes three models of familial regimes: default familialism, supported familialism and de-familialization. The authors’ research focus was the issue of care of the elderly and how it was organized by people who emigrated from Poland. The authors treated taking care of one’s elderly parents as an indicator of the “familialism by default” (a norm in the sending community). In Iceland this norm is juxtaposed to the reigning social norm of de-familialization. These kinds of regimes are dynamic and open to transformation, for instance, when societies face economic crises. In Poland, there exists a culturally determined necessity of the personal realization of children’ obligations to care for elderly parents (including personal care and practical household help). This obligation is a long-lasting element of the normative system, reinforced by the weakness of the institutional support system. In the context of emigration and of the resulting contact with a different care regime, the obligations (and the methods by which they can be realized) may be modified but do not disappear completely. What becomes necessary is a new type of social practices. The intergenerational transfers are not unilateral and they are not always are necessary - parents who stay at home help their children who emigrated and they balance the exchange. Naturally, not all parents remaining at home need support and care. In the article, the authors based their conclusions on quantitative and qualitative data collected during our own field research in Iceland in 2010 and gathered under the auspices of the research project SHARE.
PL
The aim of this article is to analyze both the motivations of foreign scholars to come to work in Poland – specifically Kraków – and their ways of adapting to this significant Polish academic center. Most studies on highly skilled migrants (HSMs) concentrate on the flows between developing and highly developed countries. We concentrate on Central and Eastern Europe. This paper, based on in-depth interviews with 23 foreign scholars working full-time at four universities in Kraków, is a follow-up to a study presenting a 2015 analysis of websites of universities from Kraków. We look closely at barriers to and facilitators of foreign scholars’ adaptation to Poland and their perceived image of Poland and Polishness, their national identification and international contacts. We propose a typology comprised of “cosmopolitans”, “status seekers”, “enthusiasts”, and “commuters”. Our investigations reveal who decides to move to a semi-peripheral country such as Poland, and why. Certain parts of the narratives can be used in building a strategy of attracting more international scholars to academic centers such as Kraków.
PL
Tekst ten ma charakter empiryczny i oparty jest wyłącznie na danych urzędowych. Pokazuje on, tylko od strony liczbowej, zbiorowość cudzoziemców, zatrudnionych w polskim systemie akademickim. We wprowadzeniu przedstawiono zarys społecznego kontekstu interesującej nas tutaj lokalnej, polskiej sytuacji. Ten kontekst to współczesne migracje wysokokwalifikowanych kadr, a w szczególności globalizacja świata nauki. W artykule zaprezentowano charakterystykę badanego zbioru danych; kraje, z których pochodzą zatrudnieni w polskim systemie akademickim uczeni; uczelnie, na których są oni najczęściej zatrudniani w Polsce; dyscypliny naukowe, które reprezentują; zależności między narodowością cudzoziemców a miejscem ich zatrudnienia w polskim systemie akademickim; związki między liczbą zatrudnianych cudzoziemców a miejscem danej uczelni w głównych rankingach polskich szkół wyższych i w końcu konkluzje dotyczące tego, czego można i czego nie można dowiedzieć się z analizowanego tutaj zbioru danych.
EN
This is an empirical quantitative analysis of the official data coming from the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education. The foreign scholars in contemporary Poland are presented in the context of global “brain circulation” or migration of highly qualified specialist. In this paper we discuss characteristics of the analyzed data base: universities and colleges where they are usually employed; academic disciplines they represent; relations between the number of foreign scholars and the prestige of institutions employing them. We conclude by pointing towards what we can and cannot learn from the data set analyzed here.
EN
The aim of this paper is to discuss the most important methodological issues related to the study of ‘academic migration’, which we have encountered while preparing a research project on foreign-born academics in Poland. These issues are presented in the context of the migration of other highly skilled workers. Many of the analysed articles which concern migration of the highly skilled fall into methodological traps. Some do not take into account important cultural variables; others are concentrated on very specific problems, and – by employing sophisticated statistical techniques – provide conclusions of very limited generality. We start our analysis with the discussion of the most common research problems. Then we move on to discussing sources of data and methodologies. The last part summarizes the main advantages and disadvantages of various methodological approaches often employed in academic migration studies. This study allows us to outline our above-mentioned research proposal. Drawing on this example we show how a qualitative research project may add to current knowledge concerning the group in question. Nevertheless, this subject is diffi cult per se, and some challenges seem impossible to overcome.
EN
Tytuł tego eseju nawiązuje do przewodniego tematu ogólnoeuropejskiej konferencji socjologicznej, która odbyła się w sierpniu 2013 roku w Turynie. Nie była to pierwsza wielka europejska konferencja poświęcona obecnemu kryzysowi. Naszym zdaniem temat konferencji dobrze odzwierciedlał trwającą wciąż fazę europejskiego, czy raczej globalnego, kryzysu i intelektualne reakcje nań. Uczestników powitał odchodzący prezydent towarzystwa, umieszczoną w wydrukowanym programie notką, w której pisał: „obecnie nie ma wątpliwości co do tego, czym według socjologów jest kryzys. europejski projekt integracyjny nie był nigdy, od samego swego początku, tak bliski załamaniu. Nie potrzebujemy też szczególnego uzasadnienia dla poglądu, iż niezbędna jest teraz krytyka, nauki społeczne, które prezentują poglądy na temat tego, w jaki sposób współczesne społeczeństwa działają, utrzymują spójność i zmieniają się” (Sulkunen 2013). W eseju tym zajmiemy się tylko sprawami merytorycznymi, pomijając kwestie organizacyjne ESA.
EN
Starting in the second half of the 2000s, we experience not one (financial, economic) crisis, but the crises in plural, the multifaceted crisis situation in Europe. The previous, Geneva 2011, ESA Conference took up a very timely and significant, at that time, scholarly and societal, topic of “turbulent times,” in which we had lived for several years. The Turin 2013 Conference was organized is a slightly different situation.Global, including European, crises entered a new stage, but at the same time it seemed that there was a light in the tunnel. Old themes, like neo-liberal politics, economy and ideology, as well as the lost welfare state were very important for the scholars. Critical approach became a standard way of analysis of politics, economy and society, but also of political sciences, economics and sociology. Criticism was not only “negative.” For many speakers and discussants, the recent crises have been a chance to re-evaluate the former institutional arrangements and outline new, more flexible solutions.
EN
This is an empirical quantitative analysis of the official data coming from the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education. The foreign scholars in Poland at the beginning of the 21st century are presented in the context of the global “brain circulation” or migration of highly qualified specialists. The second context is the present Polish academic system. In this paper we discuss characteristics of the analysed data base, universities and colleges where the foreign scholars are usually employed, the academic disciplines they represent, the relations between the number of foreign scholars and the institutional prestige of schools employing them, and conclusions on what we can and cannot learn from the data set analysed here.
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