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Pionýr družstevníkem? : pionýrská zemědělská hospodářství v letech 1959-1964

100%
Knapík J.
Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)
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2020
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vol. 27
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issue 1
58-99
EN
On the other hand, the attitude of the Ministry of Education to the initiative was rather reserved, as children were spending a lot of their free time at the farms both during the school term and during holidays, and there were even critical comments to the effect that the concept was in fact a promotion of small-scale production. The wave of interest finally ebbed in 1963 and 1964 and existing children’s farms were converted into school gardens. The author pays special attention to the model Young Pioneers’ farm in Město Albrechtice in northern Moravia. Thanks to unique school chronicles and a meticulously run school magazine, it was possible to reconstruct the organization of many dozens of children and results of their work, which were rewarded by a high state decoration in 1965. The farm in Město Albrechtice survived until the 1970s thanks to efforts of the local school managers (Karel and Ludmila Schmidtmayers), who were able to motivate a group of children of various ages for voluntary work for the collective. In a way, their concept was ahead of the time and can be compared to the so-called micro-collective movement which was being developed within the Young Pioneers’ Organization in the 1960s.
CS
Naopak Ministerstvo školství se stavělo k této iniciativě rezervovaně, jelikož děti na hospodářstvích trávily hodně volného času během školního roku i o prázdninách, a zaznívala i kritika, že jde o faktickou propagaci malovýroby. Nakonec vlna zájmu v letech 1963 a 1964 opadla a existující dětská hospodářství se proměnila na školní zahrady. Samostatnou pozornost autor věnuje vzorovému pionýrskému zemědělskému hospodářství v Městě Albrechticích na severní Moravě. Díky unikátním školním kronikám a pečlivě vedenému školnímu časopisu se podařilo rekonstruovat způsob organizace mnoha desítek dětí a výsledky jejich práce, které byly oceněny v roce 1965 vysokým státním vyznamenáním. Hospodářství v Městě Albrechticích existovalo až do sedmdesátých let díky agilnímu vedení tamní školy (manželé Karel a Ludmila Schmidtmayerovi), které dokázalo dostatečně motivovat věkově různorodý dětský kolektiv k dobrovolné práci pro celek. Jejich koncepce v jistém smyslu předběhla dobu a lze ji přirovnat k takzvanému mikrokolektivnímu hnutí, rozvíjenému v Pionýrské organizaci v šedesátých letech.
2
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„Na člověka najíždíme další čtvrtletí“. Volný čas v českých zemích v letech 1948–1956

63%
Franc M., Knapík J.
Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)
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2010
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issue 4
613-640
EN
The authors consider the changes in the conception, organization, ways of spending, and forms of leisure in the Bohemian Lands from the establishment of the Communist monopoly on power in early 1948 to the second half of the 1950s. (After this point leisure began here began strikingly to change under the influence of consumerist trends.) They consider the topic in the context of the dominant ideology and changes in economic, social, and arts policies. The authors take into account gender differences, contrasts between town and country, and special features of social groups. They pay particular attention to leisure amongst young people and children. The authors do not, however, see the Communist takeover of Anotace 745 February 1948 as a watershed in the sphere of leisure. Instead, they demonstrate both the continuity and differences between the period of limited democracy, from May 1945 to February 1948, and the years that followed. In some cases, they highlight features that were identical in Nazi German and Communist approaches to leisure activities (the rejection of jazz, ‘trash’ ( brak ) in the arts, and Western influences in general). The authors discuss how the Communist régime intervened intensively in the way people chose to spend their free time, in its endeavour to shape a new type of man and woman in the new social conditions. At the same time, particularly in the late 1940s and early 1950s, the State so emphasized the importance of the work of building socialism, that leisure was seen as a ‘necessary evil’, since it used up valuable physical and mental energy that would have been better spent on increasing productivity. For the same aims, but also with regard to the idea of somewhat democratizing the arts, the regime gave preference to activities such as political and vocational self-education as well as the study of selected arts and cultural values. In keeping with the subordination of the individual to the interests of society, collective forms of recreation and the leisure (holidays spent with groups of co-workers, mass group visits to plays, films, concerts, museums, galleries, and, later, Pioneer camps) were given priority. Traditional club activity and individual leisure were seen as ‘bourgeois survivals’. Some young people’s non-conformist leisure activities met with suspicion from the authorities or with outright repression. Amongst the models of leisure that the régime held worthy of emulation were the Socialist youth building enterprises ( stavby mládeže ), ‘volunteer’ work, and additional instruction or training. The new organizations, such as the Revolutionary Trade-union Movement (Revoluční odborové hnutí – ROH), the Czechoslovak Youth Organization (Československý svaz mládeže – ČSM), and the Association for Work with the Army (Svaz pro spolupráci s armádou – Svazarm), which took the place of the earlier clubs and associations, comported with the new ideology and provided the required forms of leisure. The authorities endeavoured also to support considerably developed and differentiated hobbies, such as making art, playing board games, and collecting. Special facilities were established to run these activities, including the enterprise-based clubs of the ROH, arts centres ( kulturní domy ), and popular-education organizations ( osvětové besedy ). Forms of universally accessible activity, like chess and phillumeny (collecting matchbox labels), were supported, whereas as fi nancially more demanding hobbies or those linked to private gain, such as philately or numismatics, were marginalized. A slight retreat from the ideologized conception of leisure came with the so-called ‘new course’ of 1953. But more striking changes were made in the second half of the 1950s. These years, which saw shorter working weeks, a higher standard of living than before, and the emergence of consumerist trends, are described by the authors as a period of the planned expansion of leisure and its gradual individualization.
3
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Nechtěné Slezsko. Reflexe českého „slezanství“ v poválečném Československu (1945–1969)

63%
Knapík J., Jirásek Z.
Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)
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2010
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issue 3
421-440
EN
Czech Silesianness, obvious throughout the twentieth century, was based on a mixture of strong regional, even local, patriotism, which was determined by historical developments. This patriotism developed on the ethnically mixed territory of Czech Silesia (formerly Austrian Silesia). After the Second World War this phenomenon was quickly revived, bit unlike the pre-war period, it took a clearly Czech national form. The territorial factor, by contrast, receded into the background. Behind this activity and new interpretation stood intellectual circles and institutions in Opava, some leading fi gures from Ostrava, and the Silesian Cultural Institute in Prague. In addition to cultural-educational activity, their efforts were concentrated on claiming some border areas of Polish and German Silesia as being historically Czech, and also on ensuring the distinctive administrative status of the territory of Silesia in Czechoslovakia, the seed of which they saw in the Ostrava branch of the Moravian National Committee ( Zemský národní výbor ) in Brno. During the Communist régime, according to the authors, the top state authorities showed an intentional lack of interest in the problems of Silesia when solving related economic and other questions. A consequence of this was a ‘silencing of the official sources’ about Silesia. In the 1950s, ‘Silesianness’ was condemned as a form of ‘bourgeois nationalism’ and was identified with the period of Czech- Polish national friction in the region. From the administrative point of view Silesia was dissolved in the Ostrava area, later in the North Moravian Region, and was recalled practically only by artistic expressions of an ‘antiquated Silesianness’, such as folklore and museum exhibitions. Silesian organizations and societies were, with few exceptions, dissolved or renamed and the newly established Silesian Research Institute in Opava had to orient its historical research chiefly to the labour movement. The works of the poet Petr Bezruč (born Vladimír Vašek, 1867–1958) and his collection of verse, Slezské písně (Silesian Songs), presented a problem because of their questionable depiction of Silesian identity, and the publication of the complete collection led to disputes in cultural policy. The Ostrava-based arts and politics periodical Červený květ (Red Flower), which repeatedly included debates about regionalism, began to be published in the mid-1950s. At the end of the decade, however, the Communist Party launched a campaign against parochialism ( lokálpatriotismus ), which was reflected also in the condemnation of publications seeking to exonerate the poems and ideas of Óndra Łysohorsky (born Ervín Goj, 1905–1989), who during the war promoted the theory of a ‘Lach nation’. In the 1960s the local authorities and figures of Opava again began to emphasize the role of their town as a regional centre. During the Prague Spring of 1968 there were calls for the restoration of Silesian self-government, but that remained more or less limited to the Opava region, and consequently some ‘Silesian’ cultural initiatives from this period were of greater importance.
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