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EN
The research aims to identify and explain the dynamics of Blockupy radicalization. It explores the activity of the movement during the whole cycle of anti-austerity mobilization. The analysis addresses the research problems of why, despite the declared peaceful orientation, the movement radicalized immediately after its rise, what its dynamics of radicalization was, and what informed the radicalization processes. Research hypotheses are theory-driven and draw on the Political Opportunity Theory. According to the hypothesis, repression might have informed the dynamics of radicalization. The closer the protest policing was to the escalated force model, the higher was the extent of Blockupy radicalization. The adoption of features of negotiated management by the protest policing influenced the movement deradicalization. Finally, the duration of repression might have informed the dynamics of radicalization. The research uses the qualitative method of sources analysis and the technique of conceptual, qualitative content analysis. The sources are the information on Blockupy protest events provided by the Federal Ministry of the Interior (Germany) and GDELT datasets. The analysis revealed that during the first two phases of Blockupy radicalization, the police employed an extremely repressive type of protest policing, which was the escalated force model. Since the third phase of radicalization, the model took on the characteristics of the negotiated management model. The fact and duration of police repression informed the dynamics of Blockupy radicalization. The closer the protest policing was to the escalated force model, the higher was the extent of Blockupy radicalization. Still, the increase in radicalization occurred in the subsequent phases of contention rather than immediately. Despite the peaceful blueprint, the movement radicalized immediately after its rise due to the existing dominating model of repressive protest policing in Germany.
EN
After 2008, European governments undertook austerity measures to come out of the global financial crisis. The policies were imposed to reduce the states’ debts and deficits, increase their economic competitiveness, and restore business confidence. Inevitably, the results of their implementation were socially noticeable and triggered the occurrence of new social movements which became a powerful player on a political scene. In some states, the stakeholders of anti-austerity movements used physical political violence while in the other they settled for mental. The article introduces findings of the comparative study on the relationships between patterns of culture of political violence and intrastate, regional, and colonial explaining factors. By applying statistical analysis, it tests empirically Negussay Ayele’s explanatory model of militant culture of political violence for a theory-verification purpose. As a result, it makes a contribution to the structure of explanation encompassing the particular configurations of indicators.
EN
The paper reflects phraseological connections showing non-verbal communica-tional behaviours in their role as tools exerting a strong influence on the language of politics. As a result of the analysis of Janusz Palikot’s weblog clear examples of such impact have been distinguished. The research allowed the verification of a hypothesis according to which phraseological connections showing non-verbal communicational behaviours perform specific roles and therefore phraseological connections are a very effective tool for making an impression and captivating the attention of an audience.
EN
This paper contains remarks on artistic works of two modern Polish artists: Jerzy Duda-Gracz and Franciszek Starowieyski. The Author has defined the term „prasamiczość” and described its political context using examples from works of two artists being the main subject of his analysis. In his opinion artistic view of women, sometimes surrealistic or grotesque, may be a kind of reference to Polish political reality
EN
The aim of this paper is to analyse, on the basis of examples, assumption that the geopolitical concepts are not formed ad hoc, but have their own reasons in-preceding theories. They also become the beginnings for the other thoughts. They are existing conditioning the ways of perception and understanding of the geopolitical situation. Concepts of the classics of geopolitics — Halford John Mackinder and Nicholas John Spykman were the subject of analysis.. The text struggles to demonstrate the impact of these concepts on the idea of Alfred Thayer Mahan, and promoters of environmental determinism philosophy.
17
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Problem badawczy

63%
EN
A problem is a question which concerns some lack of knowledge. A number of research problems types may be distinguished. The questions about facts are fundamental. However, they are particularly significant in natural sciences. In social sciences (e.g., what is the structure of the ruling elite in prerogative states?) their significance is considerably smaller. Then, there is the type of classificatory questions, i.e., these questions relate to the distinctive features of the class of beings, phenomena of facts fulfilment by being, phenomenon or fact. Indeed, the questions about relations between dependent and independent variables are the most prevalent in social sciences. The last type of questions is formulated on the basis of the model of antinomic behavioural ideal types. This type is characterized by the high extent of applicability to research (i.a., qualitative analyses). It is useful because offers frameworks to determining distances between being/phenomenon/ fact and its behavioural ideal type.
EN
The theoretical category of militant democracy in Karl Loevenstein’s meaning is described well in world scholarly literature. Notwithstanding, there is no comprehensive typology of militant democracy which would allow for identifying and diversifying various political regimes which meet the distinctive features of the Weberian ideal type of militant democracy. Therefore, the main aim of this paper is to formulate a typology of militant democracies which would be a useful analytical tool for studying diverse political regimes. Importantly, this paper contributes to the field by proposing the framework of the theory, i.e., militant democracies’ trajectory of continuance which consists of the types of militant democracies and the relationships between them. It is significant to assume that the subjects of militant democracy use offensive and defensive strategies which are characterised by the following degrees of intensity: low, moderate, and high. Hence, nine types of these strategies’ configurations are determined. They generate nine types of militant democracies. Moreover, there are nine factorial relationships between them, which are useful for assessing whether and how empirical exemplifications of political regimes change. This proposal of the typology of militant democracies is highly applicable to empirical studies and worth developing in a theoretical way on the basis of new criteria such as the potential of regime regeneration.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2023
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vol. 55
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issue 2
197 - 219
EN
The paper aims at contributing to our understanding of the role of emotions in the protest movements’ demobilization by drawing on the prochoice protest movement activity in Poland. The two most significant waves of social mobilization in the history of democratic Poland were an expression of opposition to the tightening of anti-abortion laws. Although those populist movements failed to achieve their goals, their mass activity ended. Charles Tilly’s and Sidney Tarrow’s theoretical framework of demobilization explains the dynamics of contention only to some extent. Accordingly, demobilization began when most protesters became discouraged due to repression, boredom, and the desire to return to their everyday life. However, it is a puzzle under what conditions these cognitive factors translate into demobilization in a way that shapes and finishes the trajectory of movement activity. The study contributes theoretically to social movement studies and contentious politics by developing the theory of demobilization. It also sheds light on the role of emotions in orienting and shaping mass mobilization. Furthermore, it contributes empirically to studies on pro-choice activism in Poland by explaining the dynamics of the two great waves of mass mobilization.
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