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  1. 2 Studia Podlaskie

  2. 1 Dzieje Najnowsze

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  1. 2 2007

  2. 1 2006

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  1. 3 Zackiewicz G.

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1

Kazimierz Zakrzewski (1900-1941). A historian, ideologist, social and political activist

100%
Zackiewicz G.
Studia Podlaskie
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2007
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vol. 17
101-132
EN
The presented biographical sketch has been devoted to Kazimierz Zakrzewski, who is little known nowadays. Born in 1900 in Cracow, K. Zakrzewski was growing up in an intellectual environment since his childhood, his father was a physics teacher, his mother a writer, and his uncle Stanislaw was an outstanding historian. Brought up at home that cherished patriotic traditions and where involvement in social matters was seen as an indication of a civic attitude, Kazimierz was trying to accomplish his scientific ambition and remain faithful to the values he had been raised to believe in throughout all his adult life. After graduating from university and completing a grant in France, young K. Zakrzewski started to work as a scientist at Jan Kazimierz University in Lvov. He achieved a status of a leading Polish specialist on Byzantium's history very quickly. In 1935 he held a post of head of the Chair of Byzantium Studies, the first one in the II Republic of Poland, which was then established at the Warsaw University. Apart from scientific activity, K. Zakrzewski was also vigorously engaged in social and political activity. Not being involved as much in the current political activity, he continued to enjoy undisputable respect as a theoretician of syndicalism. During the World War II K. Zakrzewski, in accordance with his life credo, organized underground structures of syndicalism movement at the same time taking up a job in 'Biuro Informacji i Propagandy Komendy Glównej Zwiazku Walki Zbrojnej' (Bureau of Information and Propaganda of the Headquarters of Union of Armed Struggle). Arrested by Gestapo at the beginning of 1941, he was executed by firing squad in Palmiry only two months later.
2

Syndicalists in the camp of the 'May Revolution' (1926-1935)

100%
Zackiewicz G.
Studia Podlaskie
|
2006
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vol. 16
63-84
EN
The text takes up the subject of obscure issues of Polish syndicalism of 1926-1935. Gathered around Jerzy Szurig and Kazimierz Zakrzewski syndicalists derived from socially radical 'zeta' movement, which had been connected with democratic irredenta since the end of 19th century. The impulse that caused this small environment become active was the May Revolution. Similar to all advocates of Józef Pilsudski syndicalists welcomed the come back of Marshal to power with huge hope, however, their understanding of the situation differed greatly from substantial majority of the then presented opinions. Triumph of the 'May Revolution' was for Szurig, Zakrzewski and their political friends apparent proof of bankruptcy of a liberal-democratic model, final termination of degenerate 'party state' and readable signal saying that capitalism in Poland lived through its last days. At the same time syndicalists argued that logical consequence of May 1926 events should have been the realization of a no-class vision based on labour unions and super powerful Poland of Labour. In 1926-1935 syndicalistic environment situating itself on the left-wing side of 'Sanacja' took up numerous propaganda and organizational actions aiming at pushing through postulated concepts. The effects of these efforts appeared miserable. With time syndicalists evaluated processes taking place in the 'May camp' more and more negatively, at the same time, however, avoiding questioning Pilsudski's actions as such. Syndicalistic activists perceived in a person of former Commander of Legions and State Governor a factor still capable of pushing the ruling camp into the right direction by his prestige and respect. Syndicalists seemed not to realize the fact that the project of a society of free manufacturers, where labour unions would be the basis of the state system, had never been even considered by Pilsudski. After Marshal's death in May 1935, joining opposition by Szurig and Zakrzewski group was just a question of time.
3

FROM THE HISTORY OF POLISH SYNDICALISM: THE ORIGIN AND ACTIVITY OF THE GENERAL LABOUR FEDERATION (1928-1931)

100%
Zackiewicz G.
Dzieje Najnowsze
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2007
|
issue 1
25-39
EN
The General Labour Federation (Generalna Federacja Pracy - GFP), active in 1928-1931, was the first significant Polish organisation which unambiguously described itself as syndicalist. Despite clear references to the conceptions announced by Georges Sorel and ideological affinity with Conféderation Générale du Travail (CGT) it is impossible to examine the Federation's history in the categories of a mechanical emulation of models borrowed from France. The initiative of establishing a syndicalist trade union in Poland was devised by a milieu associated with 'Zet', a radical social movement boasting a national liberation tradition dating back to the late nineteenth century. The young members of 'Zet', fascinated with Sorel and CGT and headed by Stefan Szwedowski, Jerzy Szurig, Kazimierz Zakrzewski and Gustaw Zielinski, remained under the strong influence of Józef Pilsudski and sought additional inspiration in the writings of Stefan Zeromski and Stanislaw Brzozowski. The key to understanding the strategy followed by GFP was its characteristic interpretation of the May 1926 coup d'état. Szurig, Zakrzewski and their adherents regarded the events of 1926 as Pilsudski's heroic deed inspired by purely patriotic motives. The triumph of the 'May Revolution' was considered to have been obvious proof of the bankruptcy of the liberal–democratic model, an ultimate end of the degenerate 'party state', and a legible signal that capitalism in Poland was nearing its end. With such premises as their point of departure the syndicalists argued that a logical consequence of the events of May 1926 should assume the form of a realisation of a vision of a classless Labour Poland based on trade unions. Despite essential controversies stemming from a critical assessment of processes transpiring within the 'May camp', in the spring of 1931 GPF leaders decided to join the Trade Unions Association together with other pro–government unions. In this case, a decisive role was certainly played by loyalty towards the Marshal. At the same time, the syndicalists believed that as an organisation which was ideologically the most cohesive among all the unions, they would be capable of delineating the direction of further trade union undertakings and thus not squander the Federation's achievements.
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