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EN
The article includes an attempt to analyze how the socio-political division is rooted at the local level of organization of social life. Most of the research is carried out at the national level, making it difficult to grasp the context of local conditions and attitudes and political behaviors.
EN
The new evaluation rules proposed by the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education in July 2018 are set to cure some of the ailments of the existing system, notably the “punktoza” phenomenon (i.e. publishing for volume, not scientific quality). However, it should be pointed out that the method of fixing old “bugs” might in fact create some new ones. In this article I discuss three elements of the proposed regulations, namely: the principle of “inheritance of prestige”, treatment of chapters in edited volumes, and possible variants of ministerial registry of academic publishers. To address those issues empirically I use an existing dataset covering citation of books in 2009–2013 (Torres-Salinas et al. 2014). While the new evaluation rules apply relatively high value to chapters in edited volumes, they in fact have disproportionately low scientific impact. What is more, the correlation between citation of books and chapters in edited volumes is very low, casting doubt on the assumed “inheritance of publishers' prestige”. Finally, there seems to be a high risk that the registry of publishers will not reproduce the exponential distribution observed in the actual structure of scientific impact (and apparently sought by the new system), thereby jeopardizing validity of such evaluation.
EN
The article discusses the significance of social capital in Poland during the system transformation from the point of view of stratification. In the first part the theoretical and methodological issues are explored, in particular the neocapital perspective represented mainly by Nan Lin, as well as the problem of operationalizing the concept of social capital. Further, the results of analyses based on two waves of research on the lives of “transformation generation”, meaning the 18-year-olds of 1989, are presented. The differentiation of this cohort in terms of number of social contacts possessed by its members is significant, which from the neocapital perspective makes it one of significant factors of inequality. Moreover, the results of analyses give grounds to the conclusion that social networks play an important role in professional careers and in psychological functioning of individuals. One basic objection against the stratification significance of social capital is the fact that its “etiology” is better accounted for by the “repeated path” hypothesis than by simple inheriting.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy stratyfikacyjnego znaczenia kapitału społecznego w Polsce w czasie transformacji systemowej. W pierwszej części omówione zostały kwestie teoretyczne i metodologiczne, w szczególności perspektywa neokapitałowa reprezentowana przez Nana Lina, jak również zagadnienie operacjonalizacji pojęcia kapitał społeczny. W dalszej części przedstawione są wyniki analiz przeprowadzonych na podstawie dwóch fal badania nad losami „pokolenia transformacji”, czyli osiemnastolatków z roku 1989. Istniejące w tej kohorcie zróżnicowanie pod względem bogactwa posiadanych kontaktów społecznych jest dość znaczące, co w perspektywie neokapitałowej czyniłoby je jednym z istotnych wymiarów nierówności. Co więcej, rezultaty analiz dają przesłanki do twierdzenia o daleko idącej roli sieci społecznych dla przebiegu karier zawodowych, jak również dla psychologicznego funkcjonowania jednostek. Podstawowym zastrzeżeniem, dotyczącym stratyfikacyjnego znaczenia kapitału społecznego jest fakt, że jego „etiologię” lepiej tłumaczy hipoteza „powtórzonej ścieżki” niż prostego dziedziczenia.
EN
This article is about the evolution of the concept of civil society which has been taking place in response to the changing socio-political context. This process can be observed from two different perspectives. On the one hand, the concept is clearly contextual-it is always embedded in the problems of particular times and particular societies. On the other hand, the observed changes have a common vector. This can be seen in the parallel vicissitudes of the concept and its designates-social emancipation in modern times has been turbulent and erratic. One of the main advocates of this perspective is Amartya Sen (2002). This perspective also helps us to view contemporary civil societies as located on the aforementioned vector. This article tries to reconstruct it using a taxonomical analysis of aggregated data from the International Social Survey Programme 2004: Citizenship. The diversity of attitudes and patterns of civil activity in contemporary democracies is certainly multidimensional but the main axis is apparently defined by the post-industrial social formation and post-materialistic orientation
EN
The purpose of this article is to review the theoretical approaches related to the socio-political divisions. On the one hand, there is a strong tradition of thinking in those terms of the relationship between society, social environments. On the other hand there are approaches pointing to the growing prosperity of these dependencies. The literature also indicates a more complex relationship between society (electorates) and the party system. The article includes an overview of different approaches in terms of their usefulness for empirical research, including research conducted in Poland.
PL
Celem artykułu jest dokonanie przeglądu ujęć teoretycznych odnoszących się do podziałów społeczno-politycznych. Z jednej strony występuje ugruntowana tradycja myślenia w tych kategoriach o zależnościach między społeczeństwem, środowiskami społęcznymi z drugiej strony pojawia się podejście wskazujące na rosnącą koniunkturalność tych zależności.
EN
The purpose of this article is to review the theoretical approaches related to the socio-political divisions.
EN
This article attempts to assess the relevance of historical experience invested in perspective so. Carousel of grievances to for contemporary socio-political divisions in Poland. On the one hand we are dealing with attempts to of “objective” analysis of history, on the other hand it is instrumentally used to justify the current political struggle.
EN
This article looks at changes in early career, self-evaluation of economic standing, and egalitarian attitudes in three Polish birth cohorts. The first cohort is sometimes labeled the “crisis generation” (those born in 1957–59), the second is called the “transition generation” (1970–71), while the third is named the “open-borders generation” (1988–89). As the members of these generations were socialized in substantially different economic, social, and institutional contexts it is hypothesized that they will have distinct views on the economic order. To verify the hypothesis it was necessary to dissect age, period, and cohort effects. We did so using data from “The Three Generations of the Polish Transformation” project in conjunction with two older datasets. This allowed us to harmonize data (replicated questions, post-stratification) and synchronize data (the same biographical point) for the purpose of a suitable parametrization of statistical models. The results show that substantially different job experience has generated a significant cohort effect in the youngest of the three cohorts studied.
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PL
Koncepcja podziałów społeczno-politycznych (rozłamów społeczno- -politycznych) należy do najważniejszych pomysłów teoretycznych na gruncie badań socjopolitycznych. Można powiedzieć, że poszukiwana jest odpowiedź na pytanie o koherencję między partiami politycznymi, a występującymi w społeczeństwie podziałami. Problem jest oczywiście bardziej złożony niż tylko poszukiwanie warunków, możliwości takiego koherentnego powiązania. Wymieńmy jeszcze taki aspekt zagadnienia jak siła, natężenie podziałów i związanego z nim konfliktu czy konfliktów. W związku z tym w literaturze przedmiotu formułowana jest teza, iż konflikt jest niezbędny, ale destrukkcyjny jest zarówno ten o słabym jak i o zbyt silnym natężeniu. Najlepszy byłby konflikt wyraźny, jednak o natężeniu względnie umiarkowanym. Brzmi to przekonywująco, chociaż dość trudno wyobrazić sobie program empiryczny, który miałby to badać.
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