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1

On the Foreign Economic Relations of China in the Interwar Era

100%
Skřivan A.
West Bohemian Historical Review
|
2012
|
vol. 2
|
issue 2
73–85
EN
The foreign trade did not play a very significant role in the Chinese economy during the last decades of Qing dynasty and it did not change very much after the fall of empire and the establishment of the new republic. From a fiscal point of view, the significance of foreign trade increased because of growing revenues of customs duties. However, the foreign trade’s influence on both the structure and performance of the national economy stayed marginal. As for the import of foreign capital, direct investments clearly prevailed before 1937. Chinese government bonds represented an interesting phenomenon and rather risky investment. They definitely became a heavy burden for the Chinese government due to the high interest it had to pay to the bond holders.
2

Die Handelsbeziehungen der Habsburger Monarchie mit Japan vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg

100%
Skřivan A.
West Bohemian Historical Review
|
2012
|
vol. 2
|
issue 2
49–58
EN
Author analyses in this study the character and the development of trade between Austria-Hungary and Japan before First World War. He pays attention to the beginning of mutual trade, to the trade conditions in Japan, to the development of maritime transportation to the Far East and to Japan’s the striving for revision of unequal treaties. The final part of the study summarizes the findings about the proper development of the trade.
3

Leopold Graf Berchtold – Grandseigneur und Staatsmann oder der Urheber des Weltkrieges? Zur Außenpolitik der Habsburgermonarchie der letzten Jahre vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg

100%
Skřivan A.
West Bohemian Historical Review
|
2013
|
vol. 3
|
issue 1
116-124
EN
Autor dedicated this study to the personality of Count Leopold Berchtold, who served as Foreign Minister of Austria-Hungary in last years before the outbreak of First World War. Author presents Berchtolds diplomatic career, analyzes the circumstances of his nomination as Foreign Minister and primarily pays the attention to the Berchtolds role in the last years before First World War and especially during the July Crisis 1914.
4

Die Stellung des Hafens Triest und die Bedeutung des Österreichischen Lloyd für den Transport aus der Habsburgermonarchie nach Übersee

89%
Skřivan A., Skřivan A.
West Bohemian Historical Review
|
2014
|
vol. 4
|
issue 2
77-92
EN
This study deals with the question of the importance of the port Triest for the foreign trade and overseas transport of Habsburg monarchy. It is further analyzed the development and the role of the greatest Austrian steam navigation company, the Austrian Lloyd, and his position among the most important shipping companies before the World War I.
5

Trade Gateway to the Habsburg Monarchy. On Trieste’s Status, Development and Importance to the mid-19th Century

89%
Skřivan A., Skřivan A.
West Bohemian Historical Review
|
2020
|
vol. 10
|
issue 1
1-23
EN
This study presents and evaluates Trieste’s relationship to the House of Habsburg, or the Habsburg Monarchy, from its beginnings in the 14th century to the mid-19th century. The authors evaluate the port’s longstanding rivalry with the Republic of Venice, notes the Habsburgs’ initial only marginal interest, and their change in approach from the 17th century. The first peak in Trieste’s development occurred in the 18th century, when the city’s population grew, extensive construction work was undertaken, privileged societies were founded for trading overseas, and there were even attempts made at acquiring colonies. The wars with revolutionary and Napoleonic France had highly negative consequences, with the port occupied three times. The subsequent section provides an overview of developments from 1815 until the mid-19th century. Here an evaluation is made of trade in Trieste, its structure and trading connections. Attention is paid to the beginnings of steam navigation, in particular regarding the establishment of Austrian Lloyd’s second section. In the final section, the study framework is focused on the transformative events following the mid-19th century, with the essential inclusion of the defeats in the wars in 1859 and 1866, the February Patent of 1861 which brought a restoration of constitutional life and a new status for Trieste, the importance of the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 including the involvement of Austrians in designing and funding its construction, with the eruption of the economic crisis in 1873 the final milestone.
6

British Interests and the Struggle of Russia and France for Leases and Spheres of Influencein China (1897–1898)

89%
Skřivan A., Skřivan A.
West Bohemian Historical Review
|
2021
|
vol. 11
|
issue 2
147-165
EN
China found itself in massive debt after its defeat in the war with Japan (1894–1895), and it was progressively put under significant pressure by the Great Powers who were seeking to define their exclusive spheres of influence and gain economic concessions. Russia was the first to take measures in this regard, its objective being to acquire dominant influence in northern China building on the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway. France too, Russia’s ally, began to pursue a similar status in the southern Chinese provinces neighbouring French Indochina. Great Britain, after decades enforcing the principle of China’s territorial integrity, and equal trade opportunities in the country for all, was somewhat taken by surprise by these developments. Russia took advantage of the situation to increase pressure on China, culminating in the lease of Port Arthur and Dalian and the recognition of Russian claims regarding the Liaodong Peninsula. Great Britain found itself in a particularly adverse position. Several members of Britain’s government were determined to support resistance to Russia’s advances in the Far East even at the cost of war. In contrast, Prime Minister Salisbury had been promoting an understanding with Russia for many years, but after Russia’s occupation of Port Arthur he realised this was no longer possible Britain managed to maintain its position in China, but many leading British politicians realised that the policy of “splendid isolation” would no longer suffice to maintain Britain’s position.
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