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1
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Discussion on the Project of the Polish Institute of Family and Demography: A Few Words about the Motives behind the Establishment of New Institutions

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2022
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vol. 75
259-269
PL
4 listopada 2021 r. do Sejmu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej wpłynął projekt powołania Polskiego Instytutu Rodziny i Demografii (PIRiD) – nowej instytucji, która zajmować się ma problemami związanymi z bezpieczeństwem demograficznym Polski oraz ochroną rodziny. W ostatnich latach w okresie rządów Prawa i Sprawiedliwości utworzono niemal czterdzieści nowych instytucji, które finansowane są bezpośrednio bądź pośrednio z budżetu państwa. Nie wszystkie z nich realizują w pełni zadania, które zostały im powierzone przez ustawodawcę. Zasadność istnienia części z nich także wydaje się wątpliwa. Na przykładzie PIRiD warto zastanowić się nad motywami, które przyświecają wnioskodawcom nowych rozwiązań. W niniejszym tekście, opierając się na analizie tekstów, przedstawiono przebieg debaty dotyczącej utworzenia Instytutu oraz zgłaszane w niej argumenty.
EN
On November 4, 2021, the draft act on the establishment of the Polish Institute of Family and Demography [Pol. Polski Instytut Rodziny i Demografii – PIRiD] was submitted to the Sejm of the Republic of Poland. The PIRiD is a new institution, the task of which would be to deal with problems connected with the demographic security of Poland and the protection of family. In recent years, during the rule of the Law and Justice party, almost 40 new institutions financed directly or indirectly from the state budget have been established. Not all of them execute all the tasks entrusted to them by the legislator. The case of the PIRiD will help us consider the motives behind the new solutions. In this paper, on the basis of the analysis of texts, I present the course of the debate on the establishment of the Institute and discuss the arguments raised by its participants.
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Relations between European Parliament with the national parliaments of the EU member states

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2010
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vol. 39
45-71
EN
According to Montesquieu tripartite system, formed in the European constitutionalism, the organs of authority, in a democratic state, affect each other in an inhibitory way, balancing mutually. Traditionally, it is understood that the executive power is performed by the Head of State (monarch, president) and government, legislative power belongs to the parliament, whereas the judicial power is exercised by independent courts. Analyzing the political reality of member states it is necessary to note, that the executive participates in the national legislative processes more actively, for example, through executing constitutionally granted right of legislative initiative (usually together with deputies), by issuing acts with the power of law, or incorporating Community directives into the internal legal order.
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Book review: “Trójkąt Weimarski w Europie”, Klaus-Heinrich Standke (ed.), Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2010, pp. 951

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2010
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vol. 39
307-310
EN
The significance of the Weimar Triangle as a platform for cooperation and solving the most important problems of continental Europe has been changing since the day it was established. Despite a number of significant and spectacular achievements and answers given to the most crucial questions, there are still a lot of controversial issues in which the agreement cold not be achieved.
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J. Zbieranek, B. Banaszak, Ankieta konstytucyjna, Instytut Spraw Publicznych, Warszawa 2011, ss. 296

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2012
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vol. 33
283-286
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Antonina Kozyrska, Pluralizm wyznaniowy a integracja narodu ukraińskiego po 1991 roku [Religious Pluralism and the Integration of Ukrainian Nation after 1991], Europejskie Centrum Edukacyjne, Toruń 2015, pp. 451

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Kultura i Edukacja
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2017
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issue 4(118)
227-230
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M. Chmaj, W. Skrzydło, System wyborczy w Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, Wydawnictwo Lex, Warszawa 2011, ss. 182

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2012
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vol. 34
338-342
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Agnieszka Turska-Kawa, Determinanty chwiejności wyborczej, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego, Katowice 2015, pp. 326

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2017
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vol. 56
313-316
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Comments on the Issue of the Institution of a Nationwide Referendum in Poland: The Case of the Referendum of 6 September 2015

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2017
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vol. 56
54-74
PL
Polscy politycy reprezentujący różne barwy partyjne w procesie planowania kolejnych reform i zmian jednogłośnie deklarują, że obywatele powinni mieć zagwarantowany głos w debacie publicznej. W rzeczywistości jednak instrumenty demokracji bezpośredniej, które wprowadzają przepisy obowiązującego prawa, nie są z reguły stosowane (patrz np. inicjatywa obywatelska, konsultacje społeczne w procesie ustawodawczym). Wśród powodów tego stanu rzeczy można w szczególności wskazać na niski poziom aktywności politycznej Polaków oraz kulturę polityczną przejawiającą się w postaci braku zwyczajów parlamentarnych lub dobrej woli większości rządzącej w zakresie inicjowania współpracy przy tworzeniu nowych rozwiązań prawnych. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest omówienie instytucji referendum w Polsce na przykładzie referendum z 6 września 2015 r. Przedmiot rozważań będą stanowić uregulowania prawne dotyczące jego przeprowadzenia oraz prezentacja argumentów zwolenników i przeciwników wykorzystania tej formy demokracji bezpośredniej w obliczu trwającej kampanii wyborczej. Analizie zostaną poddane także motywy, które towarzyszyły decyzji prezydenta RP o zorganizowaniu w 2015 r. referendum ogólnokrajowego. Ocena będzie dotyczyć także jego politycznych skutków.
EN
Polish politicians of different political options, especially while proposing new reforms, declare that citizens should have a say in many issues under discussion. In reality, however, instruments of direct democracy stipulated by the Polish constitution (The Constitution of the Republic of Poland, 1997) and laws are not frequently applied (see: people’s initiative, social consultations), both due to Polish people’s low degree of public activity and because of the lack of parliamentary customs and the authorities’ accompanying lack of willingness to work out new solutions by way of serious debate and considering the society’s ambitions and expectations, also those representing positions others than those of the government majority. The aim of this paper is to discuss the institution of a referendum in Poland and to present the approach of the Polish political class to the institution of a nationwide referendum using the example of the referendum of 6 September 2015. We also discuss the history of this institution in Poland and address the issue of its legal foundations, as well as present arguments of the followers and opponents of this form of direct democracy. It is also necessary to analyse the motives behind the initiating entity’s decision concerning the organisation of a nationwide referendum from a broader perspective and to evaluate its implications in the sphere of politics.
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Proposal of the Law and Justice (PiS – Polish abbrev.) to Amend the Act about the Direct Choice of a Voit, Mayor and President of the City. Opinions about Possible Effects and Consequences

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2008
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vol. 37
23-30
EN
In democratic legal systems there is a wide variety of instruments which profoundly affect the composition of future parliaments. They can cause significant changes in final results of both the parliamentary and municipal election. Due to them political parties can improve their position in emerging legislatures (gmina councils, poviat councils or sejmiks of the voivodeship), or even, I mean smaller formations in the first place, can guarantee any representatives in the chamber (council, sejmik). Politicians make use of these instruments most frequently in the face of the oncoming election. These mechanisms allow, on the grounds of binding law, to cause a result much worse than expected for the opposition or formations competing for power. In countries with deeply rooted democracy, it is most often a good political habit that makes any changes in the Electoral law take place long from the election. In our political reality, however, it is a rule that the election campaign is accompanied by auctions on legal grounds. Namely, changes in the borders of election districts take place, vote calculation methods are modernised so that they would be naturally beneficial for those who carry out such normative transformations.
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The Institution of Election Silence in Political Preferences

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
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2022
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issue 3(67)
331-348
EN
Election silence is the time when any form of political campaigning is banned. It is the time that should be spent on peaceful reflection before making a conscious and well- -thought electoral decision. The aim of this paper is to seek the answer to the question whether Polish voters – in the era of development of modern information and communication technologies – find it rational to have the institution of election silence as an element of the electoral system. In the article, I present the findings of the study carried out as part of a nationwide project, Political Preferences. The research was conducted in autumn 2019 by way of a survey method on the representative random sample of 1,072 adult residents of Poland.
PL
Cisza wyborcza to czas, w którym zakazana jest jakakolwiek forma agitacji politycznej. Jest to czas, który ma służyć spokojnej refleksji, zastanowieniu, pozwalający na podjęcie świadomej i przemyślanej decyzji wyborczej. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba udzielenia odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy zdaniem polskich wyborców w dobie rozwoju nowoczesnych technologii informacyjnych i komunikacyjnych racjonalne jest utrzymanie takiego elementu systemu wyborczego jak instytucja ciszy wyborczej. W artykule przedstawiono wyniki badania przeprowadzonego w ramach ogólnopolskiego projektu Political Preferences. Badanie przeprowadzono jesienią 2019 r. w wykorzystaniem metody ankietowej na liczącej 1072 osób reprezentatywnej próbie losowej dorosłych mieszkańców Polski.
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Book Review: Jerzy Muszyński: “Information Society: Political Science Drafts”, Adam Marszałek Publishing House, Toruń 2007, pp. 290

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2006
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vol. 35
197-199
EN
Prof. Jerzy Muszyński is a member of the Political Sciences Committee at the Polish Academy of Sciences. His academic interest is centered around the issues connected with the history of political and legal doctrines, the history of states and legal rules, political science, political systems, and the recent political thought. He is the author of numerous academic dissertations and articles, and an editor of collective works. He publishes his research both in Poland and abroad. Jerzy Muszyński has also been for many years an academic lecturer and researcher in the area of legal studies and political science.
12
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Book Review: A publishing review of a work written by Arkadiusz Kawecki entitled “From a Plebiscite to Elections: Birth of a Democratic Party System of Regional Societies”, Adam Marszałek Publishing House, Toruń 2006, pp. 280

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2006
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vol. 35
193-195
EN
Doctor Arkadiusz Kawecki is an employee of the Institute of Political Science and European Studies at the Faculty of Humanities at the University of Szczecin. His academic interest is focused on the problems connected with the formation of a democratic system in Poland, developing election processes, and the birth of local communities. In addition, he is concerned with German studies. The reviewed work is en endeavour to present the processes of birth and the following stages of the formation of voting attitudes and behaviours of local communities. It has been conducted taking into consideration the development in the former Szczecin district of political organizations, individual and collective examples of political activity, the process of election campaigns and the results of elections. The proceedings have been performed on the background of transformations and stages of democratization of public life in Poland, institutionalization of which took place as a result of another presidential, parliamentary, and local authority elections.
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Book Review: A publishing review of a work edited by Maria Marczewska-Rytko entitled “Populism at the Turn of the 20th and 21st Century: A Panaceum or a Trap for Modern Societies”, Adam Marszałek Publishing House, Toruń 2006, pp. 250

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2006
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vol. 35
195-197
EN
Recently on the publishing market there appeared an interesting work devoted to the issue of populism in the current politics. This book definitely deserves special attention. First of all, it successfully fits in the bibliography so far, just to mention the work edited by Ryszard Markowski Populism and Democracy or a book by Joanna Dzwończyk entitled Populist Tendencies in a Post-Socialist Society. Secondly, the reviewed work presents the reader with a wider perspective.
14
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Book Review: Kazimierz Łastawski, “The History of European Integration” [Historia integracji europejskiej], Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2011, pp. 370

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2011
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vol. 40
339-342
EN
Great historical changes are not as a rule a result of single but long lasting series of events and coincidence of special circumstances. That was the case with the appearance of the European integration. This is how the author presents it in the discussed work. Namely, as a result of a long historical process. It makes the monograph valuable and its purpose is to serve as a scientific explanation of the sources, circumstances, reasons and proceeding of the first integration in the history.
15
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The participation of women in politics. Deliberations on the gender parity bill

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2011
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vol. 40
82-109
EN
Male politicians are becoming increasingly aware of the fact that women have great power. Girls account for 50% of the population of school students. Women seem to be much better at handling the financial crisis than men. The recession primarily aftected the masculine part of business – widespread layoffs hit typically male industries, such as cars, tobacco, financial services. In the U.S., men account for 80% of people who lost jobs as the result of the recent crisis. Moreover, it is women that make most decisions relating to household expenses. They are also more inclined to save up for future. They typically spend money on things like education, healthcare, food and cosmetics. They also invest in their children’s future. At present, women have about $10.5 trillion at their disposal, while men have approximately $23.4 trillion. However, this disproportion is still getting smaller. The past decade saw the distance between these two worlds constantly diminish. Women control $12 trillion out of $18.4 trillion spent by consumers every year. Moreover, the increasing number of working women – as Michael J. Silverstein points – means that their income is increasing.
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Book Review: Jean-Paul Guichard, Antoine Brunet, China the International Hegemonic Leader? Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Emka, 2011, pp. 324

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2012
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vol. 41
526-528
EN
Two renowned French economists Antoine Brunet and Jean-Paul Guichard are the authors of the interesting book entitled “China the international hegemonic leader? Professor Guichard from a University in Nice deals with the economic analysis as well as with the international relations and Antoine Brunet, the founder of AB Marches, in the years 2003–2007 won first place in the French economists ranking. For ten years he was chief of the strategic HSBC France bank. Since the date the book was published a discussion broke out over the question asked in the title. The intention of the authors was to uncover the totalitarian aspirations of China for domination over the world. They propose a thesis that the western world faces a war and the means of defense is the economy.
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J. Zbieranek, B. Banaszak, Ankieta konstytucyjna, Instytut Spraw Publicznych, Warszawa 2011, pp. 296

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2011
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vol. 30
183-186
18
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Andrzej Antoszewski, Partie i systemy partyjne państw Unii Europejskiej na przełomie wieków, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2008, ss. 351

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2009
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vol. 22
267-271
19
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Kazimierz Pająk, Samorząd terytorialny i jego wewnętrzna transformacja. Studium politologiczne, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek 2007, ss. 348

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2009
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vol. 21
349-351
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Protests in Lithuania in the Pandemic Era

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
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2023
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issue 3(73)
295-319
PL
Pandemia COVID-19 wywołała globalny kryzys na niespotykaną dotąd skalę. W celu powstrzymania rozprzestrzeniania się wirusa rządy podjęły natychmiastowe działania, przyjmując nowe regulacje prawne, które zawierały ograniczenia i ograniczenia w sferze konstytucyjnych praw i wolności. O ile w pierwszej fazie pandemii społeczeństwa ze zrozumieniem akceptowały nowe zasady rządzące ich życiem, o tyle z czasem poziom zaufania do władzy malał. Celem artykułu jest omówienie działań protestujących i różnych ich form oraz analiza reakcji funkcjonariuszy organów ścigania, którzy zabezpieczali demonstracje. Podjęto się poszukiwania odpowiedzi na dwa podstawowe pytania badawcze: Jakie działania podjęli protestujący w czasie pandemii na Litwie? Jaki był charakter i intensywność inwigilacji, zastraszania i obecności policji podczas demonstracji? Badania obejmują okres od 11 marca 2020 r., kiedy Światowa Organizacja Zdrowia ogłosiła pandemię, do jesieni 2021 r., kiedy na Litwie miały miejsce protesty antyszczepionkowe. W opracowaniu zastosowano analizę instytucjonalno-prawną oraz jakościową analizę źródłową.
EN
The COVID-19 caused a global crisis of an unprecedented scale. In order to contain the spread of the virus, governments took instant measures, adopting new legal regulations which included restrictions and limitations in the sphere of constitutional rights and freedoms. The aim of the paper is to discuss protesters’ actions and their different forms, and to analyse the response of law enforcement officers who secured demonstrations. I undertook to find the answers to two fundamental research questions: What action did protesters take during the pandemic in Lithuania? What was the character and intensity of the surveillance, intimidation and presence of the police during demonstrations? The research covers the period from 11 March 2020, when the World Health Organization declared the pandemic, to the autumn of 2021, when anti-vaccine protests took place in Lithuania. In the study, I applied the institutional and legal analysis, as well as the qualitative source analysis.
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