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EN
The subject of the article is the place of sovereignty in different theories of European integration. It is argued that European integration in traditional theories of integration, such as functionalism, neo-functionalism and federalism, limits the sovereignty of the Member States and leads to the establishment of a new political entity. Intergovernmental theories claim, on the other hand, that states retain sovereignty in this process. The multi-level governance approach assumes, in turn, that sovereignty is partially exercised by the state and partially by EU institutions. Constructivists approaches maintain that sovereignty never attains a fi nal form and requires constant upkeep. In the judgements of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal sovereignty is not subject to division or delegation to the European Union. EU membership places limitations on the freedom to act, but this does not imply a loss of sovereignty. This position is closest to the realist theories and the intergovernmental approaches advocating that states retain their sovereignty in the process of European integration.
EN
The article studies the consistency of the global strategy for the EU with the concept of the Union as a normative power. There are concerns, that putting interests above values could compromise the EU’s moral attractiveness. Introduction of “principled pragmatism” as a way of enhancing the resilience of states could question the promotion of democracy as an aim of foreign policy. The comparison of EU global strategy with the NATO Warsaw summit communiqué suggest the latter organisation acquires the features of normative power hitherto associated with the European Union.
PL
Artykuł bada zgodność globalnej strategii UE z koncepcją Unii jako potęgi normatywnej. Istnieją obawy, że postawienie interesów przed wartościami może doprowadzić do utraty przez UE moralnej atrakcyjności. Wprowadzona zasada pryncypialnego pragmatyzmu, która ma na celu umocnienie odporności państw, może skutkować odejściem od promowania demokracji jako celu polityki zagranicznej. Porównanie globalnej strategii z komunikatem ze szczytu NATO w Warszawie wskazuje, że Sojusz Północnoatlantycki nabiera cech potęgi normatywnej, wcześniej utożsamianych z Unią Europejską.
EN
The article describes the programme and initiatives of the “Wolność i Pokój” (WiP) Movement concerning international policy. The WiP maintained a wide international contacts supporting the disarmament and unification of Europe and demanding the withdrawal of the Soviet army from Poland and the termination of the Warsaw Pact. The above programme was reflected in common documents of the opposition groups in both Central and Eastern European countries and western peace movements. As a consequence, the western peace movements ceased to be a tool in the hands of Communists and became the allies of the democratic opposition in the Central and Eastern European countries. The article presents the programme discussions conducted with the western peace activists, in particular the role of the WiP in initiating the Memorandum entitled “Tchnąć prawdziwe życie w porozumienia helsińskie” (Breath true life into the Helsinki agreements), the main initiative of Central and Eastern European opposition activists and peace movements in the mid-80s. The discussions were continued at the international seminar entitled “International peace and Helsinki agreements” held in Warsaw in May 1987, which initiated similar meetings in Budapest, Moscow, Prague and Krakow. The international programme of the “Wolność i Pokój” Movement was recreated on the basis of this statement and the articles of the Movement activists. An important role was played by the concept of political disarmament, considering freedom, democracy, human rights and cooperation between societies of the East and West as the conditions for permanent peace. Political disarmament is something more that technical disarmament, concerning the amount of weapon, dates of its decommission, etc., however without the control exercised by the societies. One of the features of the “Wolność i Pokój” Movement programme was the acknowledgement that changes within the Soviet Union should be used for improvement of the geopolitical situation of Poland. The activities of the WiP were also reflected in the superficial look of the Jaruzelski’s plan, presented in the forum of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe and supported by the states-parties to the Warsaw Pact. The WiP postulates, concerning the withdrawal of alien armies from their territories, the termination of the Warsaw Pact and the integration of a divided Europe seemed unreal to the majority of the opposition activists, however were implemented soon after. The cited opinions of the head activists of “Solidarity” and foreign journalists prove that they perceived the crucial role played by the “Wolność i Pokój” Movement in the end of the Communist regime.
PL
Artykuł omawia ewolucję polityki bezpieczeństwa Polski. Zaangażowanie w operacje stabilizacyjne u boku Stanów Zjednoczonych w Iraku przyczyniło się do modernizacji i profesjonalizacji polskich sił zbrojnych. Polska dostrzegła, że spadek zaangażowania Amerykanów w bezpieczeństwo europejskie może być częściowo zrównoważony rozwojem WPBiO. Polska należy także do niewielu państw, których budżet na obronęnie został w czasie kryzysu finansowego zmniejszony. Wojna Rosji z Gruzją i szantaż gazowy wobec Ukrainy skłoniły Polskę do rozwijania samodzielnych zdolności obronnych.
EN
The article describes the evolution of Poland's security policy. Poland's involvement in stabilization operations together with the United States in Iraq contributed to the modernization and professionalization of the Polish armed forces. Poland noticed, however, that the decrease of American involvement in European security may be partly balanced by the development of CSDP. Poland belongs to a small number of countries whose defense budgets were not cut in times of financial crisis. Russia's war with Georgia and gas blackmail in Ukraine induced Poland to develop autonomous military capacity.
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