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PL
Wskazując na postępującą marginalizację piśmiennictwa doby oświecenia w programach nauczania języka polskiego, realizowanych w szkole średniej (ponadgimnazjalnej) na przestrzeni ostatnich kilkunastu lat, autor artykułu skupia się na powiązanym z tym zjawiskiem pogłębianiu się problemu jednostronnego, zdominowanego przez stereotypy i uproszczenia, odbioru tamtej literatury. Stawia pytanie o to, w jaki sposób należałoby czytać osiemnastowieczne i wczesnodziewiętnastowieczne teksty, by – w imię przywracania im należnej rangi w kulturowym obiegu – zobaczyć je nie tylko w kontekście historyczno-społecznym, a tym samym nie sprowadzać ich znaczenia do przekazu dydaktycznego bądź politycznego. W obliczu niepokojących, bo instrumentalizujących dzieło literackie, trendów, które pojawiają się w przestrzeni literaturoznawstwa, podkreśla jednocześnie potrzebę wystrzegania się sytuacji, w której rzutowane na dawny tekst przekonania ideologiczne badacza zdają się nad tym tekstem – jako przedmiotem obserwacji – dominować, zafałszowując jego obraz.
EN
Pointing to the progressive marginalization of the Enlightenment literature in the Polish language curricula implemented in secondary schools over the last several years, the author focuses on the related phenomenon of biased reception of that literature, dominated by stereotypes and simplifications. The author asks how the 18th and early-19th-century texts should be read – with the aim of restoring their proper rank in the cultural tradition – to perceive them not only in the historical and social context, and thus not to reduce their meaning to a didactic or political message. In the face of the disturbing trends in the field of literary studies, which instrumentalise a literary work, the author also stresses the need to avoid a situation in which the ideological beliefs of the researcher projected on an older text seem to dominate it, distorting its image.
PL
Western Galician Socialists and Their Attitude Towards the Peasant Movement and Its Leaders in the Years 1892–1897The Social-Democratic Party of Galicia (since 1899 – the Polish Social-Democratic Party) began its animated activity on the Galician political arena in January 1892. Initially, the Socialists devoted their entire energy to the creation of worker organizations in towns. Yet, they realized that the predominant part of the population of Galicia was made up of peasants. It was with a view of this part of the population that in the years 1894–1895, the party began to create its agrarian program; the latter was to make it possible to conduct agitation activity in villages. Yet, these attempts had failed.In 1896, the Austrian Parliament voted in a reform of the election law. A fifth electoral group was created whereby for the first time in Austria’s history, workers obtained the right to vote. The specific character of class elections (vast election numbers in the fifth electoral group, the right of the privileged classes to vote in the fifth electoral group) and a relatively small number of workers n Galician towns, forced the Socialists to look for potential allies among the leaders of peasant parties.An agreement was signed with Rev. Stanisław Stojałowski who having been persecuted by both the state and church authorities, was forced many a time to take advantage of the assistance offered by the Social-Democratic Party of Galicia. A decisively hostile attitude had been adopted by the Socialists towards the People’s Party which did not agree to “cede” the fifth electoral group to the workers.The alliance signed between the Social-Democratic Party of Galicia and Rev. Stojałowski survived until November 1897 when the supporters of Rev. Stojałowski decided to support the government of Kazimierz Badeni. From that moment onwards, a change had occurred in the mutual relations between the two sides and Rev. Stanisław Stojałowski became one of the most hated political opponents to the Socialists.
EN
Words of Jan Albertrandi which he said in 1770, explaining the reasons for publishing the magazine ‘Zabawy Przyjemne i Pożyteczne’, expressed an enthusiasm about the possibility of achieving by Poles the state of the spiritual and intellectual maturity in a short time. The result of such attitude of the editor was his willingness to provide to potential readers of the magazine the entertainment meeting their expectations, characterizing post‑Sarmatian customs. Quite quickly however in ‘Zabawy…’ there appeared the opinions of people whose point of view was different than that one of Albertrandi, because of their critical assessment of the condition of Polish Enlightenment elites. Perhaps the most important of such voices was a text of very young poet Tomasz Kajetan Węgierski. The significance of his ode (About disrespect towards learned men) was largely the result of the fact that it was addressed to Adam Naruszewicz, not only one of the leading figures of the magazine from the very beginning of its existence but also the man being the favourite poet of King Stanisław August Poniatowski. The undertone of this work was harmonizing, paradoxically, to the meaning of numerous poems, also printed in that time in ‘Zabawy…’, directed against Bar confederates and written in the circle of people close to the king, like Antoni Korwin Kossakowski, the author of the poem entitled To the Nation and Posterity.
Tematy i Konteksty
|
2023
|
vol. 18
|
issue 13
24-40
EN
The author of the article analyses the texts of selected eulogies delivered by the most eminent members of the Warsaw Society of Friends of Sciences: Jan Albertrandi, Stanisław Kostka Potocki, Julian Ursyn Niemcewicz and Stanisław Staszic. The subject of his interest is the way each of them approached the problem of freedom, giving laudations (usually in honour of particularly distinguished compatriots) at various moments of the Society’s history – from its beginning, through the period of the Duchy of Warsaw, to the years preceding the outbreak of the November Uprising. However, this is not only about freedom considered in connection with the collapse of the Polish state and the threat to the Polish community, but also about personal freedom,  regarded as something that can be achieved in other spheres of a person’s life than that primarily related to the political situation of the nation they belong to (e.g. in their involvement in the development of science).
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