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EN
Tygodnik Mazowsze, an illegal periodical of the opposition concentrated around the then-banned “Solidarity” trade union, was one of the most important opinion-forming magazines during the martial law and the years that followed (1982-1989). It was available throughout Poland. Its circulation would reach even few thousand copies. The weekly served as a platform for discussion and polemics on the most important issues for the opposition at the time: the organizational model, the role of the Catholic Church, the attitude towards the communist government. It was also a forum where many different concepts of what the activities of the banned “Solidarity” trade union should look like clashed.
EN
Striking as the main method of fi ghting the communist regime peaked in the spring and summer of 1988, when workers’ protests affected the some of the most important companies in the country. The main reason for the strikes were government price increases introduced a few months earlier. During the two strikes employees stopped working at several facilities including: the Regional Transport Company in Bydgoszcz, the Vladimir Lenin Steelworks in Krakow, the Gdańsk Shipyard, the Steelworks at Stalowa Wola and tseveral coal mines (the Manifest Lipcowy, the Moszczenica, and the XXX-lecia PRL.) The immediate consequence of that ferment was the initiation by the authorities to talk with the leaders of the opposition leading to the Round Table agreements. The Vladimir Lenin Steelworks, played a very important role in this process where, on April 26th, the Strike Committee was formed, led by Andrzej Szewczuwianiec. The protests in the steelworks, in which a few thousand workers participated, were brutally suppressed by the communist authorities on the night of 4 to 5 May. But the course of the protests showed that the only way out of the current situation were deep political, social and economic reforms which culminated with the talks at the Round Table, and resulted in the partially free parliamentary elections of 1989.
EN
The political opposition in Communist Polish Republic concentrated a lot of attention in magazines published in “second” circulation on economic issues. Mainly they were wondering how to change the disadvantageous economic situation of our country in 1980s. One of their more representative idea in this period of time concerned the model of local economy. The most important role in this model belonged to trade unions, which would have the real independent character. According to their concept the economic system of country would opt out of the government so the rule over enterprises would be given to the workers and this way it would create the “social enterprises”. The workers’ council would take care of workers’ business and also would choose the director who would be responsible to the workers’ council. Some part of polish opposition believed that keeping the economy under workers’ control would bring the chance of political changes in Communist Polish Republic.
EN
In the democratic opposition of the Eighties, apart from the groups with an amicable and uncompromising attitude towards the authorities, there were also some groups with positive keynotes. These formations believed that economic and public reforms were able to change communist regime binding in the People’s Republic of Poland. In the light of many different opinions it was Mirosław Dzielski and Cracovian liberals who expressed uniquely interesting ideas. Their political program was based on three main issues, i.e. civilization, politics and morality. According to the liberals from Cracow economic autonomy of Poles with support from the social doctrine of the Polish Catholic Church was the first step to independence.
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