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EN
The paper aims to analyze the asylum policies of new EU member states from Central and Eastern Europe. After The Hague Program Strengthening Freedom, Security and Justice in the European Union was announced in 2004 the refugee policies of various countries were to be harmonized and a Joint European Asylum System was to be established on the basis of legal and institutional foundations. The initiatives focused on the adoption of common solutions concerning asylum procedures, the conditions for admitting individuals applying to be considered refugees in the EU, temporary and subsidiary protection, and the criteria for granting asylum. As negotiations with candidate countries commenced, they needed to adapt their national laws to the requirements of European legislature. Candidate countries initiated changes in their national legal systems. However, some solutions they have introduced defy the international obligations following from the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and recommendations of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. Particular controversies concern the concept of safe states, where refugees are deprived of the possibility of applying for the protection of the EU, as well as the concept of subsidiary and temporary protection allowing for individual applications for asylum not to be considered.
EN
On September 26, 2017, the decisions concerning the relocation of persons in clear need of international protection formally ceased to bind. Until that time, out of 160,000 persons, only 29,000 have been relocated. With the application of two academic methods (that of legal analysis and analysis of political decisions), the following research questions are addressed in this paper: (1) what were the reasons of some member states to refuse relocation?; (2) what actions have been taken by the European Commission to persuade member states to fulfill their legal obligations?; (3) what are the consequences of non-compliance with legal obligations to relocate persons in need of international protection? The paper presents an analysis of the European Commission’s monthly reports on relocation. The reasons for member states’ non-compliance with their legal obligations and for their reluctance to reform the EU asylum and immigration policy have been pointed out. The analysis demonstrates that EU member states have given priority to state security, setting aside the principle of solidarity and fair sharing of responsibility in migration and asylum policies, stipulated in EU treaties.
PL
26 września 2017 r. formalnie zakończył się okres obowiązywania decyzji o relokacji osób będących w oczywistej potrzebie ochrony międzynarodowej. Z przewidzianych 160 tysięcy, relokacji poddano do tego czasu nieco ponad 29 tysięcy osób. Przy zastosowaniu metody analizy prawnej oraz analizy decyzyjnej, w artykule podjęto próbę odpowiedzi na następujące pytania badawcze: (1) co było przyczyną odmowy dokonania relokacji przez niektóre państwa członkowskie?; (2) jakie działania podejmowała Komisja Europejska chcąc nakłonić państwa do wypełnienia zobowiązań prawnych?; (3) jakie konsekwencje pociąga za sobą odmowa dokonania relokacji osób, będących w potrzebie ochrony międzynarodowej?. W artykule analizie poddano cykliczne sprawozdania Komisji Europejskiej z funkcjonowania nadzwyczajnego, czasowego mechanizmu relokacji. W toku poprowadzonych rozważań wskazano przyczyny niewywiązywania się przez państwa członkowskie z prawnych zobowiązań oraz przyczyny braku woli dokonania rzeczywistej reformy polityki azylowej i imigracyjnej. Udowodniono, że wyrażone w traktatach zobowiązanie do wspólnych, solidarnych działań w obliczu kryzysów ustąpiło miejsca partykularnym dążeniom do wzmocnienia ochrony terytoriów państwowych.
EN
Contrary to expectations, the changes initiated by the ‘25 January Revolution’ have not strengthened democratic principles in Egypt. Therefore, the European Union and its member states have sought to support the stability of this state, promote democratic values and human rights. The purpose of this study is to analyse EU activities aimed at fostering the democratisation process in Egypt, as well as to assess these activities so far and identify the reasons for their ineffectiveness.
EN
The migration crisis which affected the European Union after the so-called Arab Spring intensified in 2015 as a result of the conflict in Syria, as well as due to the German promise to grant protection to all Syrians who entered the territory of Germany. Consequently, migration pressure increased and affected the transit countries: Italy, Greece and Hungary. Since that moment, deep differences have been visible concerning the ways to address the migration crisis, especially the quota system proposed in May and September 2015 by the European Commission.
PL
Kryzys migracyjny, z jakim zetknęła się Unia Europejska następstwie wydarzeń tzw. Arabskiej wiosny, nasilił się w 2015 r. w związku z konfliktem w Syrii i zapowiedziami rządu niemieckiego o udzieleniu ochrony wszystkim Syryjczykom, którzy wjadą na terytorium RFN. W konsekwencji presja migracyjna zwiększyła się i dotknęła przede wszystkim państwa tranzytowe Grecję i Węgry. Od tego momentu dało się zauważyć pogłębiające się różnice w podejściu do problemu imigrantów na tle propozycji Komisji Europejskiej z maja i września 2015 r. dotyczących tzw. systemu kwotowego.
EN
To play a key role in international arena, the European Union promotes close ties with states of different regions. The subject of the EU interests is Latin America. The strategic partnership between the two is realized in three areas, defined during EU-Latin America summits, ministerial and experts meetings. The first area is economic and technological cooperation. The second field of cooperation is devoted to education, science and culture, and the third – to social cohesion and development assistance. The responsibility for implementation of the partnership provisions lays with the European Investment Bank, working groups and with cooperation programmes such as AL-INVEST, ALFA, ALBAN/Erasmus Mundus, @LIS, EUrocLIMA, URB-AL.
PL
Dążąc do odgrywania kluczowej roli na arenie międzynarodowej, Unia Europejska zacieśnia więzi z państwami różnych regionów. Przedmiotem zainteresowania jest również Ameryka Łacińska, z którą ustanowiono strategiczne partnerstwo. Jest ono realizowane w trzech obszarach, wyznaczonych podczas szczytów Unia Europejska – Ameryka Łacińska, spotkań ministerialnych i spotkań grup eksperckich. Pierwszym jest współpraca gospodarcza i technologiczna. Drugi obszar dotyczy edukacji, nauki i kultury, natomiast trzeci poświęcony jest pomocy rozwojowej. Implementacja założeń partnerstwa odbywa się za pośrednictwem Europejskiego Banku Inwestycyjnego, grup roboczych oraz programów tematycznych, takich jak AL-INVEST, ALFA, ALBAN/Erasmus Mundus, @LIS, EUrocLIMA, URB-AL.
EN
On August 1, 1994 the Cooperation Agreement between the European Community and the Republic of India on partnership and development entered into force. On June 16, 2004, in the tenth anniversary of the partnership, the European Commission presented the communication „An EU-India Strategic Partnership” in order to intensify cooperation with India. The Republic of India was regarded as a regional and global leader, being able to have equal relations with EU members. This paper is to analise signs of cooperation aimed at stategic partnership, and to present that despite legal and institutional frameworks of cooperation, no comprehensive concept of partnership was implemented. Moreover, years of relations have showned that partners are not equal, as well as that course and speed of cooperation are shaped unilaterally by the European Union.
PL
Od 2015 roku naczelne miejsce w dyskusjach toczonych na arenie międzynarodowej zajmują kwestie migracyjne. Rozważane są zarówno przez pryzmat praw człowieka, jak i interesów poszczególnych państw. Te ostatnie zdominowały dyskusje, prowadząc do swoistej ofensywy skierowanej przeciw możliwości przyjmowania obywateli państw trzecich. Restrykcyjne rozwiązania prawne wprowadzane do prawa krajowego, sprzeciw wobec międzynarodowych inicjatyw prawnych, podkreślających konieczność solidarnego działania na rzecz pomocy i ochrony osób migrujących oraz likwidacji przyczyn masowych przemieszczeń ludności, skutkują przyjmowaniem przez poszczególne państwa polityki zerowej imigracji. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest ocena polityki imigracyjnej Republiki Chińskiej na Tajwanie, która dostrzegając niedobory siły roboczej i brak możliwości ich uzupełnienia przy pomocy migracji wewnętrznej, przemodelowała w znaczący sposób podejście do imigracji. Odpowiedź na pytanie o zasadność i skuteczność proponowanych rozwiązań prawnych posłużyć ma do wskazania rozwiązań możliwych do zastosowania przez państwa członkowskie Unii Europejskiej, dyskutujące nad reformą wspólnych polityk: imigracyjnej i azylowej. Rozważania prowadzone będą przy wykorzystaniu metod charakterystycznych dla nauk społecznych, w szczególności nauk prawnych i nauk o polityce. Kluczowe znaczenie przypisano metodzie analizy prawnej i analizy systemowej, zastosowano również metodę porównawczą.
EN
Migration issues have been at the forefront of international discussions since 2015. They have been considered from the perspective of both human rights and the interests of individual states. The latter seem to have prevailed, leading to a kind of offensive against admittance of third-country nationals. Restrictive regulations introduced into national legislations, combined with reluctance towards international legal initiatives promoting concerted efforts to assist and protect migrants and eliminate the underlying causes of migrations, have resulted in adoption of zero-tolerance immigration policies. In this paper, the author sets out to assess the immigration policy of the Republic of China on Taiwan. Having recognized that its labor shortages cannot be compensated for by internal migration, the country has significantly remodeled its approach to immigration. The answer to the question about the relevance and efficiency of the proposed legal solutions will be used to indicate possible solutions for EU Member States planning to reform the common migration and asylum policies. The analysis uses methods commonly applied in social studies in general, and legal and political studies in particular. While legal analysis and systems analysis are the key research methods, comparative analysis has been used as well.
PL
Presja migracyjna, jakiej państwa członkowskie Unii Europejskiej doświadczają od początków 2015 r., skutkuje w pogłębiających się różnicach w podejściu do problemu imigrantów, dotyczących zwłaszcza tzw. systemu kwotowego uzgodnionego we wrześniu 2015 r. Niniejszy artykuł prezentuje stanowisko Polski wobec narastającego kryzysu, uzasadniające konieczność odejścia od nieograniczonego przyjmowania imigrantów, a także ukazuje podjętą przez Polskę aktywność polityczną i prawną.
EN
The migratory pressures brought to bear on the European Union member states since the early 2015 have deepened differences of approach to addressing the migration crisis, especially as regards the quota system adopted in September 2015. The paper presents Poland’s position on the escalating crisis, its arguments for abandoning the open door policy on immigration as well as the political and legal measures undertaken by Poland.
EN
Polish refugee policy dates back to September 26, 1991 when the Republic of Poland ratified the Geneva Convention relating to the Status of Refugees of 1951 and the New York Additional Protocol of 1967. The adoption of provisions of both these international documents obliged Poland to amend the Law on Foreigners of March 29, 1963. The changes introduced in 1991 have not concluded the matter. Membership of the European Union resulted in the adaptation of Polish legislation to the requirements of the Common European Asylum System. Consequently, persons seeking asylum in Poland can be granted protection in the form of refugee status, temporary protection, asylum (defined as territorial asylum), subsidiary protection and tolerated residence. The dynamics of the European asylum law results from diversified migration situations in the member states, as well as from the necessity to guarantee the security of the EU and to work out a unified approach to asylum problems. All this requires further legal and institutional changes.
PL
In the article, an attempt to characterize migration movements observed in the beginning of the second decade of the XXI century is made. The aim is to present challenges and threats for security o f the EU region and member states, caused by massive migration flows. A debate within the European Union on possible solutions of the problem is analyzed. Differences in the approach to the migration crisis are taken into account, motivated on one hand by the desire to guarantee protection to refugees and persons in a refugee-like situation, on the other - to preserve security of EU citizens, member states and the organization.
EN
Migration pressure which have been affecting the European Union member states since the beginning of 2015, results in differences concerning ways to address the migration crisis, especially the quota system approved in September 2015. The article presents arguments of Central-European member states contradicting the mandatory quotas and their activities of political and legal nature.
PL
Presja migracyjna, jakiej państwa członkowskie Unii Europejskiej doświadczają od początków 2015 r. skutkuje pogłębiającymi się różnicami w podejściu do problemu imigrantów, dotyczącymi zwłaszcza tzw. systemu kwotowego uzgodnionego we wrześniu 2015 r. Niniejszy artykuł prezentuje argumenty państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej uzasadniających konieczność odejścia od nieograniczonego przyjmowania imigrantów, a także ukazuje podjętą przez te państwa aktywność polityczną i prawną.
EN
Serious violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law in the 90’s resulted in initiatives aimed at prosecution of persons responsible. Three international criminal tribunals became mechanisms of international post factum control over fundamental human rights. The tribunals have been created to decide about individual responsibility and to punish authors of international crimes. In the article, genesis and concept, as well as effects of the tribunals’ activities are presented. It has been proved that international criminal tribunals promote human rights and human security concepts. However, because of formal and real obstacles concerning fulfillment of their competences, the three tribunals do not contribute to enforcement of human rights protection.
PL
Poważne naruszenia międzynarodowego prawa humanitarnego i międzynarodowego prawa praw człowieka doprowadziły w latach 90tych XX wieku do urzeczywistnienia inicjatyw mających na celu ścigania i karanie sprawców takich czynów. Trzy powołane wówczas trybunały karne stały się swoistymi mechanizmami międzynarodowej kontroli post factum nad przestrzeganiem fundamentalnych praw przysługujących jednostce. Zostały zobowiązane przede wszystkim do ustalenia odpowiedzialności i ukarania sprawców zbrodni. W artykule ukazano genezę i istota funkcjonowania, a także efekty aktywności trybunałów karnych na rzecz przywracania wiary w fundamentalne prawa człowieka. Udowodniono, że międzynarodowe sądy karne sprzyjają umocnieniu koncepcji ochrony praw człowieka i bezpieczeństwa definiowanego przez pryzmat jednostek, jednak z uwagi na formalne i rzeczywiste przeszkody w realizacji swych kompetencji, nie przyczyniają się do wzmocnienia rzeczywistej ochrony fundamentalnych jednostki.
EN
The problem of refugees is a phenomenon characteristic of contemporary international relations. It can take an individual form (as a result of individual persecutions of a racial, religious, national or political character) or the form of mass relocations, especially in the face of military conflicts or general breaching of human rights. The purpose of this paper is to present the refugee question as an international global problem that may appear in any region of the world, impacting the situation of states and societies, that is perceived as both a threat and a fundamental challenge for the entire international community.
EN
When the European Union member states’ attitude to Kosovo is not uniform, the EU’s prestige and influence on the international arena deteriorates. As far as the issue of Abkhazia and South Ossetia is concerned, the EU’s activities show that mere expressions of interest in the matter and providing ‘apolitical’ financial aid does not contribute to solving this thorny international problem, and undermines the international position of the European Union unless it is coupled with clear and precise political aims, the operations of institutions with a strong mandate or a process of active negotiation. Once more, member states show that the concept of the Common Foreign and Security Policy, supported among others by the European Neighborhood Policy, does not have firm foundations.
EN
On July 22, 2010 the International Court of Justice issued an Advisory opinion to determine the issue of accordance with international law of the unilateral declaration of independence in respect of Kosovo. The opinion of the ICS has evoked comments both from representatives of the states that have recognized Kosovo and from those that have resolutely opposed the independence of the new state. This analysis attempts to assess the opinion issued by the International Court of Justice, and to answer the question of the outcomes of this Advisory opinion for the future of Kosovo and its status in the international arena. Although the motion of the UN General Assembly for an Advisory opinion to be issued intended to clarify this matter of dispute and ultimately settle the way in which the ‘Kosovo issue’ was to be treated, the Advisory opinion eventually submitted has actually strengthened different states in their convictions. The states that did recognize Kosovo have obtained a legal argument to confirm that ther activity was legal and to allow them to reject the accusations that their recognition of Kosovo was premature. These states claim that because the declaration of independence conforms to international law and that as Kosovo meets the requirements of state structures striving for international approval, there is no justification for refusing to recognize this state. This is because states should avail of such recognition in good faith and respect for international law. The states assuming an opposite standpoint in the discussion on the ‘Kosovo issue’ refer to the principle of the voluntary character of recognition, following from international law. Recognition is optional and no state can be forced to recognize another state internationally.
EN
Multilateral cooperation of the member states of today’s European Union which is oriented towards the creation of uniform immigration legislation goes back to 1985 when the Schengen Treaty was signed. However, it was the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty on European Union that marked a turning point. When defining the areas of common interest the member states indicated immigration, visa and asylum policy and declared to accept regulations on the crossing of external borders. The objective agreed upon was to suppress illegal immigration, residence and work in the EU of the citizen of third countries. Implementation of a unified immigration policy for the member states of the EU proved to be especially important in the situation of an increased influx of people from the region of North Africa. Developments known as the Arab Spring and the migration pressure from North Africa triggered a debate on the necessity of reforming the EU’s immigration policy. The object of the reform is twofold. On the one hand it is to increase the effectiveness of preventive measures against illegal influx of persons from third countries and their illegal residence in the EU. On the other hand, attention is drawn to constructing the EU’s immigration policy in such a way as to facilitate legal immigration with a view to the development and stabilization of the European labor market.
EN
The object of the article is to present and assess the stance of the European Union towards unrecognized states. The implementation of the idea of supporting peace and democracy, freedom, equality and respect of human rights, minority rights included – all of them being values in which the European Union’s functioning is grounded – is especially problematic in relation to new state organisms. The EU is unable to take a uniform stance towards them that would allow to reconcile the right to independence with the necessity to guaranty the sovereign rights of the precedent states. In the cases discussed in the article the EU’s stance towards newly created states is conditioned by several factors. The first of them is the desire to play a key role on the international arena that manifests in conducting activities aimed at warranting peace and security in regions troubled by conflicts. Another is a concurrent tendency to respect the basic principles accepted by the international community after World War II, i.e. the sovereign equality of states and the right of nations to self-determination. The external actions of the European Union are also shaped by the stance of other international key actors. The above mentioned factors determine the EU’s stance towards unrecognized states, which is known as engagement without recognition.
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