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EN
The paper presented here is a follow-up to the discussion of Cyprian Norvid’s vision of propaganda. This vision was supplemented with a scenario of propagandistic action. The scenario embraced as one of its key parts an original concept of Russia. The latter also reveals the eschatological framework in which the poet’s thought was embedded. If, as he wanted, propaganda was to serve as a vehicle of salvation, then it was Russia that was to be saved. Unlike the insurrectionist propaganda which was unstinting in its efforts to promulgate a demonic image of Russia accused of posing a threat to Order and Harmony in the world, the poet offered the image of such a Russia that “does not know what she does.” “Does not now” as the tsarist despotism was not the embodiment of Satan’s power, but was simply born in the absence of real power, it was the lack of real power. Norvid’s eschatological vision shows that the way in which Poles thought about Russia betrayed dependence on thought structures usually met with in metaphysical speculations about evil.
EN
The purpose of the paper is to offer some insight into Cyprian Norvid’s vision of propaganda which emerged out of his criticism of the propagandistic campaign pursued by the authorities of the January uprising of 1863. Reviving the original use of the concept of propaganda which was meant to convey the meaning of “spreading the Christian religion” or “preaching the gospel,” Norvid put forth the idea of propaganda regarded as a vehicle of salvation. The poet relied on this eschatological perspective for his judgment of the January uprising and it is this religious context that accounts for the evolution of his political views during the Uprising. He began with an enthusiasm for the Uprising thought of as the kind of epiphany (to be understood here as the action that remained in accordance with God’s will) and ended disappointed, judging the struggle for independence as bereft of its “originality,” that is to say, its entrenchment in God’s will. One is thus justified in saying that his approach to propaganda reveals a religious core of his thought.
EN
The paper deals with an image of Russia which was used during the January Uprising of 1863 by the Polish propaganda in an effort to win both the support of governments and the public opinion in the West. The image of Imperial Russia was characterized by special dialectics of strength and helplessness: the very thing which once came to be identified as a source of Russia's strength was at the same time pointed out to be a source of the country’s weakness (despotism, barbarism). The dialectics was designed to leave the West “horrified” at the prospect of having its most vital interests jeopardized by aggressive tendencies of the Russian colossus, but also to show the way in which these expansionist ambitions could be held in check. In 1863 the West was already well-acquainted with such a picture of Russia. Insofar as this way of portraying Russia could be successful in terms of pure propaganda, it could hardly be relied on for obtaining some more tangible political profits. Since the defeat in the Crimean war, Russia has been able to command respect only as a part of international order, with no power, however, to disturb it.
PL
The article is a case study illustrating the process of Stalinization and de-Stalinization of Polish historiography. The issue in question is placed in the context of tradition understood in terms of one’s relation towards historical heritage. An analysis of Stefan Kieniewicz’s historical thought, one of the most distinguished experts on the history of the national uprisings of the post-partitioned era, is hoped to provide significant insights into the process of ideologization and de-ideologization of the Polish historiography of the communist era. While in the Stalinist account of Polish history national uprisings, having been included under the category of ‘progressive traditions’, tended to be equated with Lenin’s idea of agrarian revolution, Kieniewicz’s interpretation – the evolution of which marked the successive stages of the process of de-Stalinization – tended first to replace the Leninist concept with the nineteenth-century idea of social revolution and then to abandon the ‘progressive traditions’ in favour of the ‘reactionary ones’ (the role of Catholicism and the Polish presence in the East). Thus, the Stalinist account of the uprisings understood as the anti-feudal revolutions fostering the rise of ‘capitalism’ and ‘bourgeois nation’ was giving way to an interpretation in which the nineteenth-century armed movements were seen as a national struggle for freedom resulting in the development of Polish national consciousness in the ethnically Polish territories, and in the regression of this consciousness in the eastern lands of the old Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. When approached from the perspective of tradition, these interpretations appear to have aimed at inventing tradition (Stalinism) on one hand and at transforming heritage in a way which preserves its historical meaning on the other.
EN
The subject of the article is Tomasz Siewierski’s monograph devoted to Marian Małowist and his pupils, being an attempt to combine an intellectual biography with research on the scientific school. The article reflects on the result of a combination of these two research conventions together with specific detailed issues related to them, with particular emphasis put on the problem of Marxism in the work of the monograph’s protagonist.
PL
Tematem artykułu jest monografia Tomasza Siewierskiego poświęcona Marianowi Małowistowi i jego uczniom, która stanowi próbę połączenia biografii intelektualnej z badaniem szkoły naukowej. Refleksji poddano rezultat połączenia tych konwencji badawczych, a także pewne związane z nimi kwestie szczegółowe, wśród których wyróżnia się problem marksizmu w twórczości bohatera recenzowanej monografii.
EN
This article deals with Stefan Kieniewicz’s theoretical reflection on history in the years 1946–1948. A distinguished student of the history of the lands of partitioned Poland, Kieniewicz played his part in the elaboration of the Marxist interpretation of this period of Polish history. In the period under consideration, scholars still enjoyed a significant amount of freedom in the pursuit of their studies, including in terms of the search for methodological inspirations. The author’s attention is specifically drawn to Kieniewicz’s discussioin of the strenghts and weaknesses of the traditional model of historical research (the one based on the doctrine of individualistic historicism) on one hand and what was then regarded as new approaches to historical studies, inspired by Marxism and sociology, on the other. The author also attempts to show the extent to which these new inspirations informed Kieniewicz’s concept of ‘integral history’ and his program of the social history of partitioned Poland.
PL
Przedmiotem artykułu jest refleksja metodologiczna Stefana Kieniewicza, jednego z najwybitniejszych badaczy porozbiorowych dziejów Polski i współtwórcy ich marksistowskiej interpretacji. Rozważania ograniczają się do lat 1946–1948, w których refleksję taką można było podejmować ze względną swobodą. W artykule ukazano dokonaną przez Kieniewicza konfrontację założeń tradycyjnego modelu historii (opartego na indywidualistycznym historyzmie) z tendencjami modernizacyjnymi inspirowanymi przez nauki socjologiczne i marksizm, a także wpływ tych poszukiwań na wizję „historii integralnej” i program historii społecznej Polski porozbiorowej.
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