What proves to be characteristic of the democratic system is the fact that it constantly witnesses various tensions between authorities, opposition, citizens, diverse legal subjects, advocacy groups, etc. Their disputes concern changing or upholding the existing legal environment, which is unavoidable in this case. This situation is not surprising or improper as lobbying understood in this way is an immanent, often useful part of the system. However, what may be puzzling is the fact that democratic political systems are characterized by the variety of attitudes adopted by authorities toward the practice - from pretending it does not exist (and thus requires no regulations) to implementing regulations of a highly general nature. Poland experiences both the practice itself and the attempts to legally regulate it. The aim of the article is to critically analyze the existing situation.
PL
Cechą charakterystyczną ustroju demokratycznego jest to, iż nieustannie dochodzi w nim do tarć. Ścierają się więc, w różnych konfiguracjach, władza, opozycja, obywatele, różnego typu podmioty prawa, grupy interesu itp. Spór zaś idzie o zmianę istniejącego stanu prawnego, bądź też jego zachowanie, a rozbieżność oczekiwań w tym względzie ma charakter zupełnie nieunikniony. Nic w tym szczególnie zaskakującego czy niestosownego, wszak tak pojmowany lobbing jest immanentną, często użyteczną, częścią systemu. To, co może natomiast zastanawiać, to fakt, że w demokratycznych systemach politycznych istnieje tak wiele różnych postaw ośrodków władzy wobec zjawiska - od pozorowania, że ono nie istnieje (i nie wymaga regulacji) do wdrażania regulacji o bardzo ogólnym bądź też niemal kazuistycznym charakterze. Także i w Polsce do czynienia mamy tak z samym zjawiskiem, jak i z próbą jego prawnego uregulowania, a poniższy artykuł ma na celu krytyczną analizę istniejącego stanu faktycznego.
Poland had to meet various political, legal and economic criteria in order to become a member of the European Union; the EU itself also had to prepare for it in institutional and financial respect. Although fulfilling acquis communautaire standards, then accession negotiations and completion of formalities lasted 10 years and the anti-EU campaign before a national referendum about Polish integration with the EU caused serious doubts and concerns connected with the accession, still on the 1 May 2004 Poland became a member of the EU. Now, after 10 years of membership there are several questions how Poland has used its presence in this organization. Has it been a time of prosperity and success or rather a failure and a historical mistake? What and how has Poland been changed over this time? Have social doubts connected with the EU integration been allayed? These are just a few questions raised in this article and the author tries to answer them.
The experience of the past few years clearly shows the intensity of competition between countries or international organizations of economic objectives. It is becoming more and more difficult to maintain one’s previous position in economic ratings, which is connected with, among other things, increasing and intensifying competition or interdependence on the global markets. The EU also has to endeavour to guard its interests since its global economic position, though still very strong, is going down. China is one of the countries that eclipse the EU in international relationships. Where are the main problematic issues in bilateral relations? On what fields, then, is the cooperation going on harmoniously and smoothly? This article is an attempt to answer these questions.
A high level of public participation is a much desired state of affairs as it entails numerous benefits for the participants of the political system. Citizens gain access to legislative procedures, can express their opinions often backed by expert knowledge, have a sense of co-responsibility for the ongoing developments, etc. The authorities, in turn, without any serious weakening of their monopoly on decisions, gain access to, among others, expert knowledge, the possibility to build a broader social consensus around their actions and in this way avoid the danger of political turbulence in the form of mass protests. The problem, however, lies in the fact that such participation both at the EU and domestic level is far below the desired degree – for very different reasons citizens do not join in those processes. This inadequacy has in a way forced decision-making centers to undertake various initiatives aimed at improving the state of things. The article is an attempt to answer the question: which of the remarks and conclusions related to the introduction of two essential mechanisms of participation at the EU’s supranational level can be implemented into the state system of the Republic of Poland.
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