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PL
The text focuses on the efficiencyof school as one of the key agents of political socialization of early childhood students. Using the conceptual framework of J. Astuto and M.D. Ruck, a question is posed of how to effectively develop prosocial skills of children and therefore how to shape their later willingness to engage in civic actions in youth. According to various scholars, prosocial skills, such as respect for others’ feelings, helping, sharing and cooperating with others, have to be nurtured through classroom-based play. Unfortunately, in the age of neoliberal dominance of standardized tests, civic education is deemed less important, with an excessive focus on civic knowledge and the insufficien (not testable) focus on civic skills. In reference to research results (e.g. C. Flanagan and L.S. Gallay), the author of the article points out that democratic competence does not simply emerge as a result of top-down transmission of knowledge. The process of normative (moral) development in childhood knowledge of political facts is significantlyless important than the child’s social experience of civic participation and cooperation. Contrary to the neoliberal tendencies in educational reforms, democracy-learning – as pointed out by numerous studies – should be based on the development of a ‘democratic self’ (values, patterns of behavior, habits), prior to the development of political knowledge. Knowledge should be treated as a second important element of school political socialization of children. The primary focus should be the school’s commitment to the development of children’s democratic attitudes.
EN
The text focuses on neoliberalism and desecularisation as two major dimensions of social and educational change in contemporary Turkey. Key educational reforms of recent years are discussed from the perspective of the conservative-religious turn in Turkish society and politics, particularly noticeable from 2002, i.e. the first AKP electoral success. However, the origins of the Oriental-Western duality of identity, as well as the “use” of Islam for strengthening the new Turkish national identity, can be traced back to Kemalist policy of secularisation and modernization of Turkish society. This peculiar merge of neoliberal and religious symbols is also visible in education, where selforientalizing, nationalizing and secularizing discourses mix with the pressure on selection, effectiveness and competition in the “western” style. Therefore, the rising importance of faith schools in present day Turkey has also been discussed in the light of the historical Kemalist concept of transformation of Islam and the creation of national, state-controlled “civic religion”.
EN
The almost entirely elite-driven liberalization of the right to acquire citizenship collides currently with the increasingly xenophobic sentiments and openly anti-immigrant movements among the general public all over Europe. Even in Germany discussions about the liberalization of citizenship law in the late 1990s have become a symbolic part of the dispute between supporters of ethnocentric Kulturnation (the cultural nation) and the advocates of civic Verfassungsnation (the constitutional nation). The article presents the historical context of the development of the German citizenship policy. It also raises the question of the possibility to create and legitimize – on the basis of liberalized regulations of the law on citizenship – new definitions of a symbolic membership in a civic community, located outside the traditional, ethnically based citizenship regime.
EN
The following text presents various alternative theoretical approaches in political socialization research. Some of the theoretical insights provided by the functional, systemic and interpretative perspectives are identifiedin order to depict the discussion around the continuity and change within the political socialization research. Whereas in the firstperiod of political socialization research the aim was to explain the continuity in the development of political orientations, it was later forced to account for modificationand the potential for change (especially when addressing the interpretative issues of identity politics). After describing the field’stheoretical shifts, the life-course model of political socialization is presented. The life-course model attempts to deal with the problem of continuity and change in the political socialization process, pointing to its remarkable complexity and lifelong flexibility.It offers a systematic, interdisciplinary and holistic way of conceptualizing political socialization. It points to the importance of political socialization research in demonstrating interdependence between objective functions of the political system and subjective political learning of a reflexive individual.
PL
Celem reform edukacyjnych w wielu państwach europejskich, m.in. w Polsce, jest wprowadzenie do systemu kształcenia priorytetu rozliczalności (accountability) i – opartej na powszechnie obowiązujących standardach – procedury ogólnonarodowego testowania. Nacisk na wolny wybór oraz ocenianie uczenia się i przekazywania wiedzy przez pryzmat rachunku zysków i strat stanowią zmianę filozoficznych podstaw edukacji. Edukacja ekonomizuje się i jest postrzegana jako indywidualna inwestycja. Konceptualizacja kształcenia ustawicznego w dokumentach Unii Europejskiej także przebiega w oparciu o priorytet ekonomicznej adekwatności – pracy i życia zgodnie z imperatywami gospodarki/ społeczeństwa opartego na wiedzy. Pojęcie obywatelstwa w strategii kształcenia ustawicznego Unii Europejskiej jest naznaczone sprzecznością między zasadą równości w demokracji a priorytetem konkurencyjności w kapitalizmie. Wyzwanie „uczenia się, jak być obywatelem” w coraz bardziej zróżnicowanym i wysoce zindywidualizowanym społeczeństwie jest uznawane za zasadniczy cel polityczny. W wielu strategicznych dokumentach europejskich, dotyczących kształcenia ustawicznego kładzie się silny nacisk na znaczenie edukacji obywatelskiej dla kształtowania umiejętności społecznych i kompetencji do działania na rzecz dobra wspólnego. Krytyczna analiza dokumentów unijnych pokazuje jednak, że kompetencja obywatelska w strategii kształcenia ustawicznego prezentowana jest często jako „słowo-wytrych”, które rozumieć należy samo przez się, a nie definiować w oparciu o silne podstawy naukowe. Istnieje zagrożenie, że wartość kompetencji obywatelskiej w kształceniu ustawicznym, zwłaszcza z perspektywy neoliberalnych reformatorów, sprowadzać się będzie do rangi pustego sloganu, z pominięciem jej roli jako „katalizatora” zmian programów nauczania i praktyki szkolnej w kierunku kształcenia aktywniejszych i bardziej zaangażowanych społecznie obywateli.
EN
The aim of educational reforms in many European countries, amongst others in Poland, is the introduction of the accountability priority and the procedure of nationwide testing, based on the commonly binding standards, into the educational system. The emphasis on the free choice and the evaluation of learning and transferring knowledge by the means of the profit and loss statement constitute a change of philosophical basics of education. Education is economized and perceived as an individual investment. The conceptualisation of lifelong learning in the EU documents takes place also on the basis of the priority of economic adequacy – work and life in accordance with the imperatives of economy/society based on knowledge. The concept of citizenship in the strategy of the lifelong learning of the EU is stigmatized with the contradiction between the democratic equality principle and the priority of competitiveness in capitalism. The challenge of “learning how to be a citizen” in the more and more diverse and highly individual society is recognised as a principal political target. In many strategic European documents regarding the lifelong learning a strong emphasis is put on the significance of civic education in order to shape social skills and competences to act to the benefit of common good. However, a critical analysis of the EU documents shows that the civic competence in the strategy of lifelong learning is often presented as a “buzzword”, which should be self-understood and not defined on the basis of strong scientific foundations. There is a threat that the value of the civic competence in the lifelong learning, in particular from the perspective of neoliberal reformers will boil down to the rank of an empty slogan skipping its role as a “catalyst” of changes in school curricula and practices in the direction of educating citizens who are more active and more socially committed.
EN
The aim of the study is to analyze textbook narratives of “Solidarity,” with a special emphasis on the leading figures and symbols present in history textbooks used at the upper secondary level in the years 1991-2018. Both quantitative and qualitative methods were used in the study. Using quantitative method enabled to establish the frequency in occurrence of “Solidarity” people in textbook narratives, as well as their possible alteration over time. The subsequently applied critical discourse analysis (CDA) made it possible to explore the values and ideologies hidden in history textbook narratives of “Solidarity.” The obtained results show that the content of textbooks and representations of historical figures remain relatively constant, thus, they are not subject to political shifts. Women remain outside the historical narrative, becoming one of the marginalized groups.
PL
Celem badania była analiza podręcznikowych narracji o „Solidarności”, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem czołowych postaci i symboli, obecnych w podręcznikach do historii, używanych w liceach ogólnokształcących w latach 1991-2018. W badaniu zastosowano metody ilościowe i jakościowe. Metoda ilościowa pozwoliła na sprawdzenie częstotliwości występowania nazwisk ludzi „Solidarności” i ewentualnych zmian w czasie. Z kolei zastosowana krytyczna analiza dyskursu (CDA) umożliwiła eksplorację wartości oraz ideologii ukrytych w podręcznikowych narracjach o „Solidarności”. Uzyskane wyniki pokazują, że treść podręczników, a także reprezentacje postaci pozostają na względnie stałym poziomie, nie ulegając tym samym zmianom politycznym. Kobiety pozostają poza narracją historyczną, stając się jedną z marginalizowanych grup.
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