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NAJCIĘŻSZE PRZESTĘPSTWA SZARIATU (‘HUDUD’) W ŚWIETLE UWAG ZAWARTYCH W KLASYCZNYM PODRĘCZNIKU ‘UMDAT AL-SALIK’ AL-MISRIEGO

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Kubiak P.
Zeszyty Prawnicze
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2019
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vol. 19
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issue 3
155-184
EN
Islamic jurisprudence is one of the sources of information on Sharia law, alongside the Quran and the Sunnah. The Umdat al-Salik is a manual of this sacred law composed in the 14th century by Ahmad ibn Naqib al-Misri, and it is one of the most trustworthy works of the Shaf’i school of law. Its English translation by N.H.M. Keller has been acknowledged by as Islamic authorities invaluable and reliable, and it has also earned the recognition of the governments of several Muslim countries. Al-Misri’s manual contains regulations concerning the hudud, the most serious offences under Islamic law. Hudud crimes directly offend Islam and the Muslim community as a whole, and are punishable on the grounds of Allah’s will. Hence the source of their penalization must always be the Quran or the Sunnah. A judge has no discretion in selecting a penalty for a hudud crime, because it is prescribed in the sources and is immutable. Te hudud crimes are adultery (zina), the bringing of an accusation of adultery without producing the required statements from witnesses (qadhf), theft (sariqa), armed robbery (hirabah or tariq), drinking alcohol (khamr), rebellion against the caliph (baghy) and apostasy (riddah).
PL
Do źródeł poznania szariatu, oprócz Koranu oraz tekstów sunny, należą również dzieła jurysprudencji islamskiej. Umdat al-Salik jest podręcznikiem tego świętego prawa napisanym w XIV wieku n.e. przez Ahmad ibn Naqib al-Misriego i jest jednym z najbardziej godnych zaufania dzieł szafickiej szkoły prawniczej. Jego tłumaczenie na język angielski dokonane przez N.H.M. Kellera zostało uznane przez autorytety świata muzułmańskiego za dzieło wartościowe i wiarygodne. Uzyskało również akceptację rządów kilku państw muzułmańskich. Podręcznik ten zawiera między innymi opis szczegółowych regulacji dotyczących najpoważniejszych przestępstw prawa islamskiego - hudud. Bezpośrednio godzą one w islam oraz całą społeczność muzułmańską, a karane są z mocy boskiego nakazu. Źródłem ich penalizacji każdorazowo musi być Koran lub sunna. W ich wypadku sędzia nie ma swobody w zakresie wymiaru kary, stwierdza jedynie winę oskarżonego, a sankcja karna jest sztywno określona w źródłach i nie można jej zmienić. Zaliczyć można do nich: cudzołóstwo (zina), oskarżenie o cudzołóstwo bez wymaganych zeznań świadków (qadhf), kradzież (sariqa), rozbój (hirabah albo tariq), picie alkoholu (khamr), bunt przeciw kalifowi (baghy) oraz apostazję (riddah).
2
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Szkice z zakresu rzymskiego prawa karnego – damnatio ad bestias

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Kubiak P.
Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne
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2010
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vol. LXXXII (82)
107-124
XX
Damnatio ad bestias is definitely one of the most amazing institutions of Roman criminal law. It was an aggravated form of death penalty used in public procedure, mostly against noncitizens and humiliores, from I century a. D. As it seems however, it had already appeared before in domestic jurisdiction of the owners of the slaves, in the frames of ius vitae ac necis, but not as a death penalty. Such slaves were sold to lanistae in order to fight with wild animals. The interesting point about damnatio ad bestias is, that it was omitted in the legal catalogues of inflicted penalties. It was the consequence of its characteristic – it depended on organization of the games and some infrastructure, like amphitheatres or animals. So there were just few occasions during the year to inflict this penalty. Other aggravated forms of death penalty, crucifixion and burning alive, were equivalent and could be inflicted interchangeably with analyzed punishment, despite few exceptional texts. Damnatio ad bestias could be also executed in the situations of aggravation of perpetrator’s responsibility resulting from the use of arms, in cases of organized crimes or committed by night. Sometimes it was also replacing other traditional penalties, like for example poena cullei.
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STAN NIETRZEŹWOŚCI JAKO „AFEKT” W RZYMSKIM PRAWIE KARNYM?

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Kubiak P.
Zeszyty Prawnicze
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2015
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vol. 15
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issue 1
33-52
PL
Drunkenness – a “Passion” in Roman Criminal Law? SummarySince ancient times jurists and lawyers have had to handle offencesconnected with alcohol abuse. There are only three texts on drunkenness in the Roman legal sources: two relate to offences committed byinebriate soldiers, and the third contains the basic division into intentional offences, accidental offences, and crimes of passion. In all threecategories drunkenness was a mitigating factor, which may be surprising for modern lawyers. Other Roman sources present public opinionon drinking, which seems to have depended on the circumstances– heavy drinking and alcoholism were disapproved of. A precise analysis of the rhetorical writings shows elaborate distinctions betweenintentional and unintentional acts. Drunkenness was regarded as anemotional state which could influence the penalty, but the specific circumstances of the offence were crucial. The rhetorical works confirmthe views presented in poetry and philosophy. Contrary to the legalsources, the facts seem to show that a judge could sentence an offenderto a severe or mild punishment, or even acquit him if drunkenness hadbeen a factor contributing to the offence. The rhetorical works may beconsidered to provide not only an important theoretical background tothe legal sources, but also crucial supplementary information givinga better insight into Roman criminal law.
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Szkice z zakresu rzymskiego prawa karnego – skazanie do szkoły gladiatorów (damnatio in ludum)

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Kubiak P.
Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne
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2012
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vol. LXXXV (85)
85-112
EN
Condemnation to the school of gladiators (damnatio in ludum) was one of the most intriguing penalties in Roman Criminal Law. Condemned were sent to ludus to train gladiatorial skills and fight during the games. Of course, its existence was closely connected with ludus, and thus it appeared in public law in I century b.C., after the gladiatorial schools were widely built (at least from 105 b.C. – Val. Max. 2, 3, 2; Cic. Tusc. 2, 41; Plin. Nat. 33, 16). From I century A.D. on, it was definitely quite common penalty (Plin. Epist. 31; lex Petronia de servis). The most important thing however is, that it was not a death penalty – it deprived condemned of liberty, they became slaves, and also they had to stay in ludus, as in the prison (D. 48, 19, 8, 11; P. S. 5, 17, 2), but they did not have to die during the games. Even more, after three years of service they could be liberated from the penalty, and after another two years – regain their freedom (Coll. 11, 7, 4). As it was a general rule in Roman Criminal Law, slaves and humiliores could be condemned in such a way (D. 48, 19, 8, 12; P. S. 5, 23, 4). Damnatio in ludum was very similar to damnatio ad metallum, so one can draw some conclusion on such comparison. Some authors suggest, that criminals were condemned to ludus in cases of sacrilege, arson, homicide, robbery and desertion (thesis based probably on Quint. Decl. Mai. 9, 21 and Flor. 2, 8, 8), but closer analysis of Roman legal regulations shows, that it was a penalty of lesser crimes or mitigation of punishments (D. 48, 13, 7; P. S. 5, 20, 2 and 5; P. S. 5, 23, 4; D. 49, 16, 3, 1; D. 48, 19, 28, 15). Though from one point of view it was a severe penalty, resulting in death sometimes, in general it may be compared with damnatio ad metallum and other non-lethal penalties. The discipline in ludus might have been cruel and hard, but there was also a chance to survive the time of punishment (according to some even in case of loss during games - missio) and regain freedom, not to mention quite good physical care like attention of doctors or massages. Its close connection with gladiatorial games was also the reason of its disappearance from Roman Criminal Law, as late as the end of IV century A.D. (C. Th. 15, 12, 1; C. Th. 9, 40, 8; C. Th. 15, 12, 3).
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Czyn Patroklosa a rzymskie prawo karne – czyli o przestępstwach popełnionych w afekcie w antycznym Rzymie

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Kubiak P.
Studia Prawnicze KUL
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2014
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issue 1 (57)
61-83
PL
Można chyba stwierdzić, że poezja była „częstym gościem” w pismach jurystów rzymskich. Celem ilustracji jakiegoś problemu natury prawnej sięgali oni do inspiracji antycznych poetów i przywoływali przedstawione przez nich historie. W jednym z takich fragmentów mowa jest o zabójstwie w afekcie dokonanym przez Patroklosa w antycznej Grecji, który z tego powodu został wygnany z domu. A jak na tę sprawę zapatrywali się juryści w Rzymie? W ich pismach odnaleźć można kilka odniesień do przestępstw popełnionych w afekcie, mają one jednak dość kazuistyczny charakter i pozbawione są pogłębionej refleksji prawniczej, jak i uzasadnień proponowanych rozwiązań. Na ich podstawie jednak można wysnuć wniosek, iż czyny popełnione w ten sposób, w zależności od okoliczności faktycznych, mogły spowodować złagodzenie odpowiedzialności ich sprawcy, a nawet jego uwolnienie. Decydującym czynnikiem był charakter oraz siła odczuwanej emocji, a także natężenie oraz trwałość powziętego zamiaru, czyli jego premedytacja. Wspomniane braki w rozważaniach teoretycznych mogą być natomiast uzupełnione dzięki analizie pism retorycznych. Juryści na ścieżce swojej edukacji zaznajamiali się również z tym działem filozofii, nieobce im były zatem interpretacje oraz kwalifikacje otaczającej ich rzeczywistości wypracowane przez retorykę. Dzięki tym podziałom i klasyfikacjom, które zresztą odpowiadają przyjętym przez jurystom rozwiązaniom, możliwe jest pogłębienie wiedzy na temat natury oraz konsekwencji prawnych czynów popełnionych w afekcie.
EN
Poetry was a “frequent guest” in Roman jurists' writings. Sometimes they were using inspirations of ancient poets to illustrate some legal problems. In one of these examples there is a quotation from “Iliad” concerning Patroklos, who had committed a crime in the heat of passion and was exiled. The question arises about the opinion of jurists in Rome in that matter. In their commentaries there is just a few casuistic examples of these crimes. On the other hand, there are no deeper legal reflections or reasonings of presented solutions. On this basis, however, one can conclude that criminal committing such an act could be mitigated or exculpated accordingly to circumstances. The main factor was a character and intensity of the affect, but also durability of his intention. Mentioned absence of theoretical argumentation can be completed with some conclusions from rhetorical writings. Jurists in the process of their education were acquainted with this part of philosophy, so they knew interpretations and qualifications of surrounding world elaborated by rhetoric. Through divisions contained in these works, which by the way are complemented to solutions presented by jurists in their opinions, it is possible to deepen the knowledge on the nature and legal consequences of crimes of passion.
RU
Moжна подтвердить, что пoэзия была „частым гостем” в журналах римских юристов. В качестве иллюстрации правовой проблемы они представляли инспирации древнеримских поэтов и цитировали истории, написанные ими . В одном из этих фрагментов речь идет об убийстве в состоянии аффекта, совершенного Патроклом в Древней Греции, который по этой причине был изгнан из дома . А как на происшедшее смотрели юристы из Рима? В их трудах можно найти несколько ссылок на преступления, совершенных в аффекте, но имеют они вполне казуистический характер и лишены глубокого отражения закона и обоснования предлагаемых решений. Исходя из этого, однако, можно сделать вывод, что действия, совершенные таким образом, в зависимости от фактических обстоятельств, могли привести к ослаблению ответственности правонарушителя, и даже к его освобождению. Решающим фактором была природа и сила ощутимой эмоции, а также интенсивность и длительность преднамеренного умысла, то есть его премедитация. Эти пробелы в теоретических соображениях, однако, могут быть дополнены анализом риторических сочинений. Юристы на пути своего образования знакомились также с этим разделом философии, поэтому им были знакомы интерпретации и квалификации окружающей действительности, выработанные риторикой. С помощью этих разделов и классификаций, которые на самом деле соответствуют принятым юристами решениям, можно углубить знания о природе и правовых последствиях за действия, совершенные в аффекте.
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Od przypadku do przypadku – czyli o casus na gruncie rzymskiego prawa karnego oraz pism retorycznych Cycerona-

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Kubiak P.
Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne
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2016
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vol. 14
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issue 2
57-78
EN
The opinion that Roman jurists were giants in the field of private law and dwarfs in criminal law is nowadays a little bit out of date. However, upon a closer analysis of the use of the term ‘accident’ (casus), such a statement seems to be justified. Casus for Roman jurists was not only, as in the sphere of private law, a pure random fact, but also a culpable human act. It is not hard to guess that their writings and opinions were inconsistent in that field and sometimes suggested quite surprising legal classifications of deeds committed in such a way. In order to understand this paradox it might be helpful to take a closer look at historical regulations of crimes committed unintentionally, including above all homicide, but also rhetorical sources, especially works of Cicero. His writings were a canon for learning rhetoric in later times, as well as inspiration for next generations of Roman jurists. His remarks and specific character of the metaphorical phrase si telum manu fugit quam iecit, constituting a kind of definitional topos of crimes committed unintentionally, can lift the veil of secrecy and enable penetration of Roman jurists’ philosophy of life and their intellectual formation.
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Imprisonment of Tax Non-Payers – an Abuse of Power or a Measure of Legal Discipline?

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Kubiak P.
Studia Ceranea
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2012
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vol. 2
45-51
EN
In the field of taxation there existed many casuistic crimes of Roman criminal law, committed both by tax payers and tax collectors, but non-payment of taxes was not one of them. As a rule taxpayers risked confiscation of property by avoiding the fulfillment of their obligation. There exists some historical evidence, however, which suggests the possibility of imprisonment of taxpayers. Was it possible to inflict criminal punishments in such cases? Legal texts give some reflections to the contrary– Roman emperors prohibited the use of imprisonment in non-criminal matters. The number of these prohibitions indicates, that there were many situations of this kind. It seems that especially in the provinces the governors abused their power and used illegal measures, such as tortures, whipping and imprisonment, to force citizens to pay taxes.
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Szkice z zakresu rzymskiego prawa karnego – skazanie na udział w igrzyskach gladiatorskich (damnatio ad gladium ludi)

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Kubiak P.
Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne
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2011
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vol. LXXXIV (84)
147-165
EN
In Ancient Rome, there was a group of penalties closely connected to gladiatorial games, like damnation to the beasts (damnatio ad bestias), damnation to the school of gladiators (damnatio in ludum) and, the object of this paper, damnation to gladiatorial games (damnatio ad gladium ludi). As it seems, on the basis of very few textual sources, the latter was a kind of death penalty executed in the arena at noon. The condemned were supposed either to kill each other with sword, either be executed by one of them or a professional gladiator. The most interesting however is the form of functioning of this phenomenon. It looks that Roman Criminal Law did not know this penalty, there is only one doubtful legal source, which may refer to it. On the other hand, it is hard to deny its existence – quite a few historical sources confirm, that at noon a number of condemned were killed in the arena. As it seems, there was a variety of forms of executions in Ancient Rome, which took place during the gladiatorial games. They depended mostly on the discretional power of the organizer of the games and the will of the people. Damnatio ad gladium ludi was a collective category for all of them, no matter what the actual sentence stated, whether it was crucifixion, burning alive or other death penalties. In that way, it was possible to present in the arena mythological and historical enactments known from the sources.
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Cantus vivit lege Romana!

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Kubiak P., Kulawiak-Cyrankowska J.
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica
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2023
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vol. 102
69-77
EN
In the 14th-century treatise Ars cantus mensurabilis mensurata per modos iuris, the principles of menstrual music are explained by references to ius commune. This article aims to trace their Roman roots and to show that music too is sometimes governed by Roman law.
PL
W XIV-wiecznym traktacie Ars cantus mensurabilis mensurata per modos iuris zasady muzyki menzuralnej tłumaczone są przez odniesienia do ius commune. Celem artykułu jest prześledzenie rzymskich korzeni tych nawiązań i wykazanie, że i muzyka żyje czasem prawem rzymskim.
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Preface

63%
Filipczak P., Kubiak P.
Studia Ceranea
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2012
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vol. 2
9-9
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