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EN
In the article the Author examines the current natural gas demand and supply of the EU and the possible changes in the near future. The constantly growing natural gas demand and decrease in domestic gas production makes the EU more and more dependent on foreign energy suppliers, particularly, on Russia. Therefore, the external relations of EU with present and potential gas suppliers and transit countries are playing crucial role in ensuring EU energy security. The Author also analyses the potential threats for the EU energy security that may pose aggressive external energy policy of Russia and China.
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COMPETENCE OF THE LUBUSKIE PROVINCE LEADER

100%
Rocznik Lubuski
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2007
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vol. 33
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issue 2
229-248
EN
The article is devoted to the competence of the leader of the Lubuskie province in politics and business. The analysis of competence profiles of such leaders, including psychological, praxiological and sociological competence, is preceded by a theoretical introduction to competence. This includes fundamentals in the range of psychology, praxiology, sociology, law, management and the competence of political science. Apart from the competence classification, more significant roles and leader's actions are discussed. Next, the article concentrates on the leader's competence, distinguishing the following types: personal, group, organizational and environmental. The described dominant competence profile of the leader of the Lubuskie province shows the average level of competence represented by them. Economic leaders, however, are much better prepared to lead in terms of competence than political ones.
EN
The article is concerned with organization of institutional base of minority policy in the Slovak republic. It is possible to allege that considerable care of these institutions was given to the theme of Slovakian Hungarians. Primarily official institutions came out from dominant position of Slovak nation in the Slovak Republic, from which they deduced their activities to national minorities. The contribution deals with activities of president - his meetings with Hungarian partner, activities of public defender of rights, activities of vice-prime minister for knowledge society, European affairs, people rights and minorities including activities of the Government board for national minorities and ethnical groups and activities the most important ministries, which are interested in the theme of minority issue (ministry of foreign affairs, ministry of education and ministry of culture).
EN
The aim of the present work is to answer the question why attempts to integrate South American countries are not successful. Doing the research into the issue, the researchers analyzed the most important initiatives to integrate South American countries and tried to find the reasons of the failures. They came to many conclusions, for instance: the remembrance of tribal fights in the distant past and contemporary clashes between the countries affected the mentality of the local nations to a considerable extent, resulting in mutual mistrust and often even hostility, which make all the attempts to develop rapprochement impossible. Moreover, for years the United States have treated South American countries as a 'backyard' to do its own business and it strived to block all the integration initiatives undertaken by these countries in fear of losing its influence in the region. A very important problem is the fact that the countries of the South cannot work out any advanced compromises in the same way as the Europeans do because their particular national interests get the upper hand over the contradictory interests of other countries. However, the multiplicity of the attempts undertaken by the South American countries as well as their very long history and more and more common belief that separately these countries have very little importance internationally gives the latest initiatives a chance to succeed and make South America a politically cohesive and economically strong region which would give them a strong position and independence on the international arena.
EN
There are raising voices about the crisis of the Swedish welfare state. The aim of this article is to present changes of Swedish social policy in the 1990s in order to check whether the statements about the crisis are correct. For this purpose, Paul Pierson's perspective of retrenchment is used. Pierson distinguishes between two kinds of retrenchment: programmatic (change of programmes towards Titmuss' residual model of social policy) and systemic (changes of institutions which allow for those changes in a future). Four elements of the Swedish social security system are analysed: two representing cash benefits (pensions, unemployment benefits), two others - services: health care and care for elderly. The latter were chosen because services are believed to be more vulnerable for retrenchment. All sectors faced both forms of the retrenchment, however to the different extent. The main trends in Swedish social policy of past decade are: privatisation and decentralisation. Additionally, the article confirms the statement concerning services sector's vulnerability. One would say, that Swedish welfare state in the 1990s was transforming towards residual model. However, this process was very slow and was evident only from the Scandinavian perspective: from the comparative one, it seems that Swedish social policy hasn't lost its main features. Thus, the statement about the crisis of the Swedish welfare state isn't true, it is rather the shift from the 'Gold' to the 'Silver Era'.
Rocznik Lubuski
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2007
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vol. 33
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issue 2
177-202
EN
The article presents a description of the non-governmental sector in the Lubuskie region. In the thesis there is made an appraisal of the efficiency and effectiveness of acting in the perspective of participation in structures, forms and areas of action. Moreover, the article presents and analyses ways of financing programs and initiatives as well as the profile of expenses. The article also underlines the essential meaning of non-governmental institutions social employment, which is contributing to the construction and local development of a civic society.
EN
The last census confirms that the wide understood problems of work are still important in the Polish society. It is still workers' society, and work took a new meaning despite smaller number of persons who 'make a living from work'. On one hand work became more desirable and difficult to access. On the other it has now new and more attractive glitters. First of all it is a result of high level of unemployment for a longer time and what is particularly essential it concerns more and more often persons with adequate qualifications and graduates of higher levels of education. At the same time, new jobs with high wages, career prospects and other bonuses emerged. Thus workaholism, known in richer countries, develops rapidly in Poland. Under the pressure of economic situation and employers the process of labor market deregulation proceeds as well as the new forms of employment develop. Under influence of deregulation labor market becomes more flexible and its new diversification follows. The level of safety of work and certainty of employment drops quickly. These, among others, processes caused new segmentation of work in many dimensions. Private sector, internally very diversified, is the predominant segment. It is a universal phenomenon. Important and interesting questions and dilemmas arise. The first one concerns work prospects under globalization and technological shocks, simultaneously with cheap labor force supply. The second one concerns choices in postindustrial or postmodern societies between unemployment civilization and work sharing. The third one is a dilemma of leveling opportunities and attractiveness between traditional employment status and flexible labor market. The next question concerns professionals with high qualifications. What should and can be the work offer for them. Maybe they need new version of participation with higher chances for self-actualization. The last and especially important question concerns the possibilities of limiting the impact of two types of enslavement or subordination: pressures caused by unemployment and by overwhelming consumptionism.
EN
This text examines the post-crisis scenarios of economic growth. In order to explain the possible variants of future developments, it first provides an account of the crisis and describes the diverse types of state interventions used to control the crisis, and their immediate effects. Next the various possible scenarios of economic growth are considered, taking into account their probabilities, e.g. low likelihood of a consumer boom, possible increase in investments, but reasons as well for its possible decrease. Further on the article assesses the dynamics of the growth factors presented and the role of global co-operation in handling the crisis. The Author concludes that in order to avert a repeat financial meltdown, a mix of strategies and approaches needs to be adopted.
Rocznik Lubuski
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2007
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vol. 33
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issue 2
145-157
EN
Borderland cooperation is an essential element not only in building positive relations between Polish and German people, but it also constitutes an important factor in the European integration process. It is a foundation which allows implementing many joint undertakings whose aim is social and economic development of the Polish-German borderland. The European Union's funds play an essential role in undertaking and creating a transborder partnership. The first positive experiences in the range of realizing investments which were co-financed with the PHARE CBC programme date back to the year 1994. As of the year 2007, the Polish-German borderland faces new challenges, which marks a new period in European Union structural political planning.
EN
In the paper some ways of improving quality of sample surveys, including opinion polls and pre-election polls are discussed.The author concentrates on three main issues:(1) - discrepancies between the structures of surveyed respondents and those who actually take part in elections; (2) - refusals by some respondents to co-operate in the survey (non-response); (3) - late changes of election preferences by some people (late swing). The author presents how some foreign pollsters cope with those issues and what lessons can be learnt from their experience.
Rocznik Lubuski
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2007
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vol. 33
|
issue 2
32-46
EN
As opposed to Germany, in Poland there was little interest in a local identity for a long time. The 1960s brought about terms such as 'private homeland' or 'ideological homeland', which were introduced by researchers. Those notions were not significant from the point of view of a socialistic country. Poland was supposed to be a homogeneous and uniform country as far as national values were concerned. This mostly applies to western and northern territories, which became part of Poland after World War II. A typical example of such a case was the Lubuskie region. After the war, the Polish population started to flow into the western and northern territories from all over Poland. The new settlers to the Lubuskie region met not only the leaving Germans, but the Polish autochthons as well. Together with the coming Polish settlers and the establishment of the new Polish administration, the German cultural heritage integration process began. An evident Polish influence on the Lubuskie region was the change in the field of topographic terminology. Unfortunately, all other German traits were eradicated as well. That state of affairs caused particular anxiety among the native Polish population. The percentage of such actions was scarce, especially on the territory of the Lubuskie region, yet the authorities trying to prove their point were emphasizing the fact of their existence. However, many autochthons who were waiting for 'their Poland' felt uneasy about the changes. The settlers who came to the Lubuskie region did not know the history, hence could not remember the past of that area. Everything was unfamiliar to them: the scenery, the landscape, the aesthetic values as well as the symbolic meanings. Moreover, the culture, the buildings, the agriculture development plan and the regional history were all strange to them. However, the passing time gave grounds to a slow yet steady change of the attitude of the new inhabitants towards the land itself as well as the historical background. The recognition and respect of the whole cultural heritage provides a possibility to find a common language with Germans.
EN
The remarkable 'Lugano II' opinion, given by the Court of Justice of the European Union in 2006 (case 1/03), has had the implications going far beyond the specific matter it decided, namely the competence of the EC to conclude the second Lugano Convention. Following 'Lugano II' numerous international agreements have been concluded with direct or indirect reference to the Court's opinion as justification for the EU's exclusive competence in a given area. This refers, among others, to the Hague Convention on the Choice of Court Agreements of 30 June 2005, the Hague Protocol of 23 November 2007 on the Law Applicable to Maintenance Obligations, and the Convention of 23 November 2007 on the International Recovery of Child Support and Other Forms of Family Maintenance. Therefore the Court of Justice, by its flexible reading of the so-called ERTA doctrine regarding the EU's implied external competence to conclude international agreements, has created a powerful instrument for the unification of sources of private international law sensu largo (especially rules concerning conflict of laws) and the undertaking by the EU of external actions in other areas of EU law.
EN
The 2004 Enlargement of the European Union, involving the accession of 10 states, forced the EU to create a special policy with regard to its new neighbours - the European Neighbourhood Policy. This initiative encouraged the neighbours of the integrated Europe to introduce political and economic reforms aimed at strengthening democracy and free market. For four years, the ENP has not yielded the expected results. Its main flaw was the fact that it included two groups of states which are very different in political, social and economic terms - the Mediterranean states and Eastern European states. It was also a mistake that the EU clearly signalled that there is no chance for these states to join the Union. The fiasco of EU policy under the ENP contributed to the intensification of the efforts of Polish politicians to increase the effectiveness of EU's co-operation with its eastern neighbours. With the support of Sweden, Poland managed to create a new EU initiative under EPS - the Eastern Partnership - aimed at Ukraine, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Moldova. The aim of the Partnership is to deepen the co-operation between the EU and its neighbours, while not rejecting their possible accession in future. However, whether this initiative can be realised will depend on the willingness of all the parties involved to co-operate - both the EU Member States and the neighbouring states.
EN
The article is an attempt to address the problem of guerrilla movements in India, their history and ideological background and recent developments. The origins of communist organizations in India date back to 1925. The Communist Party of India founded on Marxist ideology, however, did not establish itself as an alternative to other Indian organizations striving for independence and social progress in India. In 1946, the communists led protests such as Tebhaga in Bengal and Telengana in the state of Hyderabad, which can be seen as the forerunners of aggressive and violent campaigns with leftist ideological background that took place at the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 1970s. The events in Naxalbari in 1967 and later actions of terror in Bengal gradually developed into military guerrilla operations that by now have covered significant areas of India from the border with Nepal to south Deccan. Until 2005, Indian authorities considered these activities as a problem of law and order and not as a political problem, although it affected a considerable part of Indian population: the poorest and the most underprivileged agricultural and tribal societies. These groups of leftist guerrillas, however, should be seen rather as firmly rooted in indigenous communities, ideologically motivated military movement responding to the problems of the poorest sections of the society in many parts of India who feel neglected by the state administration and its agencies. At present the Indian authorities tend to see these movements with their growing military potential as an important and long term political engagement, and such an approach is an important shift after the decades of underestimating this leftist guerrilla phenomenon.
EN
This article is a political, not economic, analysis. The author attempts to look at the effects of the latest economic crisis from an external point of view and tries to answer the elementary question – what effects has the collapse of the world markets after September 2008 had on the global political arena. Have there been any deeper changes of values, and if so, what do they consist of? The leitmotif of this text is the new role of China in the international arena, apparently strengthened after 2008. What does this new, stronger, more assertive China bring to the world? Does it have its own model to offer? And what may be the consequences of its new role in the political and economic arenas of the globalised world?
EN
The aim of the article is to answer the question asked in the title: Is Georgia the first victim of the neo-imperial policy of Russia? The author presents the history of the Georgian-Russian conflict of September 2008. He makes reference to the advantages of the conflict for the Georgian and Russian parties. The publication also discusses the issue of the present international position of the Russian Federation and a possible breach of international law that took place during the intervention in South Ossetia, both on the part of Georgia and the Russian Federation. The research methods used by the author when writing the article include a description, analysis of the literature on the subject matter, analysis of published documents and analysis of specialist scientific magazines. The main conclusion made by the author is that Russia does not implement an imperial policy because it is not capable of implementing it. The undertaken actions aim at protecting its sphere of influence with a simultaneous attempt to delay Georgia's accession to the European Union and North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
EN
The welfare state could be analysed from the political or institutional perspective, because it raises a question of the scope of citizen's rights as well as a question of limits of cooperation between the free market and the government. This assumption is also true in the context of East Asia. In the present literature devoted to the East Asian welfare state one can find three approaches to this issue. The first one emphasizes the cultural and the structural dissimilarity of East Asia, which affect the shape of social policies in each country in the region. The second one shows the East Asian welfare states as underdeveloped forms of the European models of social policy. The third one tries to demonstrate that each of East Asian countries has its own distinct form of welfare state. In author's opinion, the source of the differences between those approaches lies in the level of analysis. One can look at the East Asia welfare state focusing only on the instruments of social policy, which are sometimes very similar to those developed in Europe and USA or one can analyse the cultural and political background of social policy in East Asia, which is very different from the western experience. If we examine the East Asian welfare state from the political perspective we find out that the purpose for developing the whole system of social policy is to legitimise the existence of the government. The government is obliged to create an environment in which every citizen can independently work out his or her own welfare. Due to these facts, it is hard to draw, from the institutional perspective, a sharp line between the sphere of the free market and the sphere controlled by the state. Each of East Asian states is interested in having a discreet control over its citizen's life and because of it the autonomy of the East Asian market is very often illusive. To sum up, in author's opinion, there is the separate model of the welfare state in East Asia and its particularity comes down from cultural and political specificity of the region.
EN
Preparations for the Presidency of the Council of the European Union in the second half of 2011 are one of the priorities of Polish foreign policy. At the same time, the starting point for the choice of priorities of the Presidency will be the development of the European Union agenda. Moreover, the defined priorities should not only reflect the internal economic and social needs of the European Union, but should also take into account translating internal actions into responses to the challenges faced by Europe in the global arena. In this sense, the Polish Presidency faces particular challenges in the external policy field which involve the legal aspects following the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, but also, and above all, the sensitive political decisions.
EN
The special feature of this issue is debate concerning explanations of the new social order in Poland and remedies to its internal problems after 1989. Professor W. Nieciunski wrote an essay based on five important and basic questions about social order and modernization of Poland. What were the sources of 1989 revolution and decay of the state socialism in the Soviet Union? What changes occurred during restitution of capitalism (systemic transformation) and what consequences did they have? What antagonisms and conflicts shape Poland's external environment? What kind of goals and activities for modernization should we promote to remove Poland's civilizational delay? What systemic arrangements can ensure conciliatory resolution of unavoidable internal conflicts as well as creation of conditions favorable to general progress of Polish society and realization of goals necessary for modernization? Twenty prominent figures from Polish academic community agreed to answer and to discuss points made by professor W. Nieciunski.
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100%
Rocznik Lubuski
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2007
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vol. 33
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issue 2
205-228
EN
Zielona Góra was organising its social and political life in an environment typical for the post-war period of the Regained Territories.The specificity was owed to the population made by people coming to the west from all parts of the pre-war Poland. These inhabitants could not have the feeling of security of their status. The insecurity and uncertainty of tomorrow must have influenced their actions and attitudes. What is more, the newcomers had brought with them their own mentality shaped by the family environment (mostly rural), and much differentiated. All of them had been affected by the war trauma and post war exodus, and were morally and psychologically shattered. It is difficult to determine what influence the reality had on their activities and attitudes. It is likely that they were indifferent to the reality and the only thing they cared about was the effort to support themselves and their families. Such a state satisfied the new authorities of Poland as it is to the newcomers that they addressed their social and political project promising profits unattainable before. Due to the advocated 'social justice', the authorities gained the social support. The war in a specific way affected the intelligentsia, and the lack of this social class was perceptible especially in the western territories with uncertain future. People with at least a secondary education background were able to find jobs easily in the 'old' Poland. The 'wild west' attracted people who either were forced to come there, who had the pioneer spirit or who were looking for an easy life. That is why the post-war difficulties had much greater negative impact here than in the remaining parts of Poland. The lack and weakness of the manpower was increasing the organisational chaos and adding to the political conflict. The disintegration of the Zielona Góra society and the lack of social cohesion bonds had a significant influence, as it seems, on the life quality in the town. The everyday concerns were preoccupying people and the remaining problems were left to those who had the ambitions of becoming leaders. When they were moved to the 'sphere of power', they were unable to identify with the world which was not theirs and for which they were unprepared. They were fulfilling the role of a 'class alibi' for the party leaders. The latter had also questionable qualifications to fulfil their roles.
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