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EN
The publication discusses introduction of new solutions pertaining to human trafficking to Polish legal system, namely the very definition of the phenomenon in the act of law. The article is divided into 6 parts. In part one, the author indicates the reasons why the law in this area needs to be changed and enumerates the duties imposed on the legislator. Since human trafficking is a very complex criminological phenomenon, part three discusses the problem of the criminological definition of human trafficking. The legislator, creating penal provisions for such deeds must naturally take the phenomenology of human trafficking into account, at the same time bearing in mind that the provisions at this stage of using them will be subject to interpretation. This interpretation, as criminal law is repressive in nature, has its own rules. Hence part four is devoted to selected issues of interpretation in criminal law but only from the point of view of the analysed changes in law. The penultimate part includes discussion of the role and meaning of legal definitions in criminal law, also in the light of international obligations of the Republic of Poland. The final part contains a critical analysis of the definition of human trafficking.
EN
The object of the analysis are the institution known in the criminal law as active repentance and other similar normative institutions, which are sometimes referred to by scientists as active repentance in its broad sense or as quasi-active repentance. I was interested in the behavior of the perpetrator after commitment of an offence as a factor affecting the extent of perpetrator’s criminal liability in the context of criminal and penal policy (legally permissible modification of criminal responsibility in individual cases). Even a brief review of the institutions of active repentance in the Polish criminal law (regulated in the general and specific chapters of the Penal Code) allows to state that there is no uniformity, consistency, and rationality in shaping of this substantial instrument of criminal and penal policy. Sometimes one may have an impression that the issue of active repentance was regulated quite accidentally, not as a part of the comprehensive, rational criminal policy pursued by the entire criminal justice system. Since the key question is whether the established and accepted objectives and functions of punishment and / or criminal law can be achieved without a punishment, therefore the first part of the article is devoted to theories and functions of the penalty in conjunction with the reasons and functions attributed to active repentance. The different functions of an active repentance – to increase the efficiency – require some specific element in the design of this institution to be taken into consideration. These variables may be: if the benefits gained by the repentant are facultative or mandatory, the extent of the benefits, additional requirements imposed on the offender related to his conduct, an indication of a shorter or longer time limit to meet the statutory requirements and / or conditions related to repentant’s motivation, directory of the deeds in which the perpetrator can use the benefits arising from his active repentance, and indirectly also the place and method of regulation. Whether these variables should include consent of the victim, with all its consequences, probably also needs to be taken into consideration. Referring to the presented features of active repentance, by operating with the indicated variables, one can attempt to construct a variety of models of active repentance appropriate for performance of specific functions. Assuming its preventive function, active repentance should be provided for the widest range of crimes possible. Preferably, active repentance should be described clearly and precisely in the general part of the Criminal Code. Benefits provided for the accused person should be as wide as possible and always obligatory. Effective preventive function enforces the need to spread this instrument, especially the profits associated with it.
PL
Arguments referring to natural law, (public) morality, religion or Christian values are very often put forward in debates on the existing or planned criminal law provisions criminalizing specific behavior. A prohibition on behavior contrary to the scriptures or the teaching of the Church on pain of criminal penalties encompasses not only abortion, but also euthanasia, (paid) surrogate motherhood, paid donation of organs for transplantation, sterilization, contraception, prostitution and bigamy. The arguments presented for the protection of Christian values are oftentimes correlated with the protection of human dignity. This article seeks to address the issue whether such a "pre-legislative" measure (reliance on the protection of Christian values) is a form of penal populism. Parliamentary and non-parliamentary discussions conducted during work on the particular provisions of the Criminal Code were form the basis for analysis, with particular emphasis placed on arguments in favor of criminalization of the aforementioned behavior. The findings were confronted with the concept of legal interest in criminal law and the concept of human dignity in the Polish legal system (and its place in repressive law). The said "religious values" and the need to protect them were subject to analysis conducted against this background and underpinned by the constitutional principle of proportionality of the limitation of human rights and freedoms. The operational tools were not only established definitions of populism, including penal populism, and a Weber’s ideal type, i.e. a set of empirically perceived properties of populist style and perspective, sometimes called "the populist syndrome." The ultimate objective of this article was to establish whether the cases under analysis involve religious populism or a rational decision on criminalization.   W toku debat nad istniejącymi lub projektowanymi przepisami prawa karnego, kryminalizującymi konkretne zachowania, niezmiernie często przywoływane są argumenty odwołujące się do prawa naturalnego, moralności (publicznej), religii czy wartości chrześcijańskich. Zabronienie pod groźbą kary zachowań sprzecznych z pismem świętym lub z nauczaniem Kościoła tyczy już nie tylko aborcji, ale też eutanazji, (odpłatnego) macierzyństwa zastępczego, odpłatnego dawstwa organów do transplantacji, sterylizacji, antykoncepcji, prostytucji, bigamii. Przywoływana przy tym argumentacja ochrony wartości chrześcijańskich jest często skorelowana z ochroną godności ludzkiej. W pracy podjęto próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy taki zabieg „prelegislacyjny” (powoływanie się na ochronę wartości chrześcijańskich) jest formą populizmu penalnego. Podstawą analizy stanowiłydyskusje (parlamentarne i pozaparlamentarne) toczone w trakcie prac nad konkretnymi przepisami kodeksu karnego, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem argumentacji na rzecz kryminalizacji przywołanych zachowań. Ustalenia te zostały skonfrontowane z jednej strony pojęciem dobra prawnego w prawie karnym, z drugiej – z pojęciem godności ludzkiej w polskim systemie prawa (i jego miejsca w prawie represyjnym). Na tym tle ulokowano tytułowe „wartości religijne” i potrzebę ich ochrony. Zaś fundamentem tych rozważań stała się konstytucyjna zasada proporcjonalności ograniczania praw i wolności człowieka. Narzędziami operacyjnymi były nie tylko wypracowane definicje populizmu, w tym populizmu penalnego, ale także pewien weberowski typ idealny, czyli zestaw empirycznie postrzegalnych właściwości stylu i perspektywy populistycznej, określany czasem mianem „syndromu populistycznego”. W ostateczności, sformułowana została odpowiedź na pytanie – czy w omawianych przypadkach mamy do czynienia z religijnym populizmem czy racjonalną decyzją kryminalizacyjną.
EN
Arguments referring to natural law, (public) morality, religion or Christian values are very often put forward in debates on the existing or planned criminal law provisions criminalizing specific behavior. A prohibition on behavior contrary to the scriptures or the teaching of the Church on pain of criminal penalties encompasses not only abortion, but also euthanasia, (paid) surrogate motherhood, paid donation of organs for transplantation, sterilization, contraception, prostitution and bigamy. The arguments presented for the protection of Christian values are oftentimes correlated with the protection of human dignity. This article seeks to address the issue whether such a "pre-legislative" measure (reliance on the protection of Christian values) is a form of penal populism. Parliamentary and non-parliamentary discussions conducted during work on the particular provisions of the Criminal Code were form the basis for analysis, with particular emphasis placed on arguments in favor of criminalization of the aforementioned behavior. The findings were confronted with the concept of legal interest in criminal law and the concept of human dignity in the Polish legal system (and its place in repressive law). The said "religious values" and the need to protect them were subject to analysis conducted against this background and underpinned by the constitutional principle of proportionality of the limitation of human rights and freedoms. The operational tools were not only established definitions of populism, including penal populism, and a Weber’s ideal type, i.e. a set of empirically perceived properties of populist style and perspective, sometimes called "the populist syndrome." The ultimate objective of this article was to establish whether the cases under analysis involve religious populism or a rational decision on criminalization.
EN
The aim of this work is to establish to what extent discrepancies of substantive misdemeanour law (relating to criminal law), which stem from simplification of responsibility rules, impact the position of victim. There are no general rules and principles relating to formation of the position of victim in either criminal law or misdemeanour law. Only by analysing particular regulations of the both respective codes allows one to reconstruct the status of victim and confronting it on the plain of the two responsibility regimes in question. The said confrontation reveals far-reaching differences within the scope of victim’s position in substantive regulations of misdemeanour law, some of which weaken the victim’s position, while other – strengthen it. Although those differences vary to their weight, yet it seems that regulations restricting the presence of the figure of victim are more significant – they genuinely decrease the competence of a person to whom the harm was made. Amongst the said regulations, first and foremost, have to be counted those that relate to possibility of ruling compensatory penal measures, as well as regulations defining the periods of limitation (aside from other discussed regulations). The assumed dual model of responsibility within this scope, in some cases, compromises the principle of equality before the law enshrined in Article 32 paragraph 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland.
EN
The following article critically assesses the ruling of seven justices of the Supreme Court dating January 19, 2017. The crucial issue undertaken by this article consists in the assessment of the validity of the ruling of the Supreme Court which assumes an unsuccessful attempt in the cases of the lack of an object on which to commit a criminal offense and defines the “voluntariness” of active grief exhibited at the stage of attempting to commit a criminal offense. The Supreme Court assumed an objectivist conception in their interpretation of the phrase “lack of an object on which to commit a criminal offense”, thus assuming that what transpires is a successful attempt in the case where there was a lack of a particular object comprising the perpetrator’s intent, but there were other objects which could have become the objects of the crime. At the same time, however, the Supreme Court ruled that the premises of voluntariness resulting in impunity (Article 15 § 1 of the Criminal Code) did not apply, since the perpetrator did not abandon his intent to commit a criminal offense; it was only the object of it that did not fulfill their expectations. According to the author of the article, such a ruling allows to reach two contradictory conclusions. Thus, the author proposes a different conception of assuming successful or unsuccessful attempt with regard to an object on which to commit a criminal offense, as well as a model for assessing the voluntariness of the perpetrator in the cases of the lack of continuation of iter delicti.
EN
By means of an act of law issued on 23 March 2017 in order to “reinforce the realisation of the obligation of guardianship by satisfying the material necessities of people who are unable to satisfy them on their own”, one introduced changes in the heretofore binding regulation which stipulated criminal responsibility for evading the obligation of the payment of alimony (Art. 209 k.k.). The regulation which was mentioned received new content, inter alia by introducing a qualified type, and it was furnished – for the first time in the history of the criminalisation on the non-payment of alimony – in a clause of impunity and the clause about the refraining from administering punishment in the case of the manifestation of voluntary disclosure on the part of the offender after the commission of the crime of the non-payment of alimony. The present publication explores the problems associated with the latter point – voluntary disclosure. In the light of the analysis which was conducted and the legislative deficiencies of the regulation Art. 209 § 5 k.k. and its relation to regulation Art. 59 k.k. one stated that from the perspective of legislative technique § 5 is inappropriate, and from the perspective of the criminal policy it is redundant. It seems that the function which is assumed – the ensuring of the satisfaction of the claims of the aggrieved party –simply regulation § 4 Art. 209 k.k., would serve this task perfectly, obviously after the removal of the shortcomings which were indicated.
EN
In order to understand the essence of the crime, two issues have to be taken into account: not only do we analyse features of the perpetrator, but also the victim’s behaviour. Both measures have to be recognised in the light of their mutual relations. In such a case, victimology is instrumental for criminology. It answers the fundamental question: who and why becomes a victim of a crime? It is victimology that draws our attention to a post-crime victimisation problem in the psychological, social and legal aspects. These issues are particularly vital in the case of human trafficking. First, the victim of the crime has to be defined. Over the centuries, the word ‘victim’ came to have an additional meaning. Nowadays, the legal definition of a victim in many countries typically includes the following: it is a person who suffered direct or threatened physical, emotional or pecuniary harm as a result of the commission of a crime. In the Polish legal system, a legal definition of a victim is given in the Polish Charter of Victims’ Rights, whereas the Polish penal law speaks of an aggrieved party and defines it in Article 49 of the Criminal Procedure Code. However, one fact draws our attention. The aggrieved or those objectively recognised as aggrieved do not agree with such a qualification. Let us take a closer look at the reasons why they see themselves in a different role. There is no doubt that one of the reasons is the fact that victims are often qualified as persons offending the law, as criminals. Another problem, is the victims’ return to their previous life situation, which had led them to being recruited by a human trafficker. We also need to point out that the relations between human traffickers and their victims are extremely complex. However, the key issue is that there is an agreement for a crime. The decision-making processes have to be analysed. The victims of human trafficking find themselves in a situation where they have a considerable limitation of free decision making. One of the major examples reflecting these problems that always takes place in a compulsory situation in the wide sense of this expression is job undertaking which leads to the abuse of the potential worker’s situation. A very specific example is a job agency. The question that appears is when we should speak of an unlawfully acting job agent, and when we can start calling this human trafficking? Is every illegal job agency dealing with human trafficking? What is the difference between these two? And finally when does a worker become a victim and an aggrieved party? What types of slavery and slaves exist today? bounded labour affects at least 20 milion people around the world. People become bounded labourers by taking or being tricked into taking a loan for as little as the cost of medicines for a sick child. To repay the debt, many are forced to work overtime, seven days a week, up to 365 days a year. They receive basic food and shelter as ‘payment’ for their work, but may never pay off the loan, which can be passed down for another generation; eaily and forced marriage affects women and girls who are married without choice and are forced into lives of servitude often accompanied by physical violence; forced labour affects people who are illegally recruited by individuals, governments or political parties and forced to work usually under threat of violence or other penalties; slavery by descent is where people are either born into a slave class or are from a group that the society views as suited to be used as slave labour; trafficking involves the transport and/or trade of people: ‘woman, children and men’, from one area to another for the purpose of forcing them into slavery conditions; worst forms of child labour affects an estimated 179 million children around the world in work that is harmful to their health and welfare. Children work on the land, in households as domestic workers, in factories making products such as matches, fireworks and glassware, on the streets as beggars, in the outdoor industry, brick kilns, mines, construction sector, in bars, restaurants and tourist establishments, in sexual exploitation, as soldiers. It seems that pursuant to the Employment and Unemployment Countering Act (Ustawa o zatrudnieniu i przeciwdziałaniu bezrobociu) a model contrary to the one in the act can create a criminological model of modern human trafficking. It would be then running a business to gain financial benefits in the way that the businessperson exploits the position of the aggrieved party and provides the future employer with employees. The latter group, however, even if agreeing to move abroad, becomes completely dependant on the employer which is often combined with a deprivation of liberty, because they have no possibility to choose their place of staying or withdraw from the previous agreement. A number of international regulations, e.g. the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children which supplements the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime of 2000, the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography of 2000, the Slavery Convention of 1926 together with a Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery dated l956 show, that the issue under discussion still remains a contemporary problem, and needs regulations aiming at finding relevant solutions. There can be no doubts in the light of the nullum crimen sine lege certa that a precise description of the crime is essential. Only a precise definition of a separate crime of human trafficking will enable to recognise the scope of the problem and will create internationally accepted circumstances to overcome it. Such a definition must include at least: acts: recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of a person; means: threat to use or the use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, fraud, deception, abuse of power or a position of vulnerability; purposes: forced labour or services, slavery slavery-like practices or servitude. Everyone, government and non-governmental organisations, must focus on the crime which must be precisely described including a detailed description of a victim. It is highly urgent and important to harmonise all legislative measures in order to prevent human trafficking, which would guarantee an effective protection of victims and prosecution of criminals.
EN
The article discusses the right to religious observance as one possible form of exercising one’s freedom of conscience for persons in temporary detention or serving a sentence of (unconditional) imprisonment. Detention involves a range of (usually justified) restrictions and deprivations, some of which apply to the sphere of religious practices. We must not forget that freedom of conscience and religion is not only internal to a person, but also relates to his or her actions in their semi-private and public space and, as such, must be regulated, particularly in conditions of detention. Importantly, the article does not focus on the influence of religious life on the rehabilitation of inmates but on whether their right to religious freedom is respected. The aim was not to find out whether inmates needed religious practices and services in prison, but to assert that they had a right to them, while the state had a duty to respect that right.We departed from the assumption that religious practices were a matter of public or private cult and included performing certain actions dictated or forbidden by the laws of a given religious community. The question was to what extent these practices were subjected to limitation, which practices were concerned and to what extent the observed limitations were justified. The answer drew on existing legal provisions and on the subjective feelings of inmates themselves. It should be recalled that in 1991, the Polish Ombudsman determined that the right of inmates to practice Catholicism was essentially ensured and properly implemented in prisons. The only shortcoming, as judged at the time, was the lack of a sufficiently high-level normative act regulating all matters pertaining to religious practice in detention in a comprehensive way. It seemed necessary to check whether these findings were still valid. Thus the first part of the article provides an overview of the existing legal provisions defining the scope of religious practices that can be undertaken by inmates, including international regulations, the Polish constitution, acts of law and other relevant regulations. Different groups of inmates were examined, including those in temporary detention, those serving sentences and considered particularly dangerous as well as those subjected to the disciplinary measure of being placed in an isolation cell for a period of up to 28 days. We found that not all restrictions on the exercise of religious freedom in prison, as provided for under the Polish law, were justified. Our assessment of the said restrictions, both when it came to law making and application, took into account the goals and purpose of imprisonment and temporary detention in light of the constitutional criterion of proportionality. In the second part, we present the findings of a survey conducted in two penitentiary facilities among inmates declaring themselves Roman Catholic. The aim was to find out how the inmates viewed their rights when it came to religious practices, to what extent those practices were available to them and whether they felt any deficits in this area. At the general level, we found that the inmates declared significant activity in the religious area and rarely attributed obstacles to the exercise of religious rights to legal provisions or the rules in a given penitentiary facility. The unavailability of particular religious practices was also reported to be low. There were more answers indicating lack of permission to take part in Church ceremonies outside the prison (for example the funeral of a loved one). This is probably the weakest area when it comes to ensuring the exercise of inmates’ religious freedoms. Our analysis of the legal framework and the survey carried out in penitentiary facilities allowed us to formulate certain tentative conclusions (including de lege ferenda). The normative provisions do not impose many legal limitations on inmates’ access to religious practices and services. Yet respecting the right to freedom of religion is not only about not creating unnecessary barriers; it also consists in defining a minimum set of rights conferred on each inmate, on which they can call the prison authorities to account if need be.
EN
The article shows the problem of the rights of older people being violated, from a criminological, victimological, and normative perspective. The work includes international and national regulations of various branches of law. Above all, however, the focus is on criminal law regulations. Criminological research in Poland and worldwide related to the victimisation of older people was compared with the provisions of criminal law. Such a project was carried out to answer the question of whether current criminal law is an appropriate and adequate response to physical, psychological, sexual, and economic violence against the elderly, or whether it neglects and abandons them. The diagnosis of Polish legislative solutions determined by the authors does not lead to an optimistic thesis that the rights of these people are fully protected by criminal law. The particular vulnerability of older people to victimisation has not been sufficiently addressed by the legislature.
PL
Publikacja ukazuje problem naruszania praw osób starszych z perspektywy kryminologicznej, wiktymologicznej i normatywnej. W pracy uwzględniono międzynarodowe i krajowe regulacje różnych gałęzi prawa. Przede wszystkim jednak skoncentrowano się na regulacjach prawnokarnych. Wyniki światowych i polskich badań kryminologicznych związanych z wiktymizacją osób starszych skonfrontowane zostały z przepisami prawa karnego. Zabieg taki miał dać odpowiedź na pytanie, czy prawo karne stanowi właściwą i adekwatną reakcję na przemoc fizyczną, psychiczną, seksualną i ekonomiczną wobec osób w podeszłym wieku oraz zaniedbywanie ich i porzucanie. Postawiona przez autorki diagnoza polskich rozwiązań legislacyjnych nie pozwala na sformułowanie optymistycznej tezy, że prawa tych osób są w pełni chronione przepisami prawa karnego. Szczególna podatność osób starszych na wiktymizację nie została bowiem wystarczająco uwzględniona przez ustawodawcę.
EN
The aim of this publication is to compare the views of people harmed by the crime of abuse when the perpetrator is ordered to leave the premises  with the current legal norms. The research is complemented by opinions from experts (people who support victims of domestic violence professionally). The considerations lead to an attempt at answering the question of whether the legal shape of the order to leave the premises meets the justified needs of the victims.
PL
Celem publikacji jest skonfrontowanie poglądów osób pokrzywdzonych przestępstwem znęcania się na temat nakazu opuszczenia lokalu przez sprawcę z obowiązującym stanem prawnym. Uzupełnieniem badań są opinie tzw. ekspertów (osób zajmujących się zawodowo wspieraniem ofiar przemocy domowej). Przeprowadzane rozważania mają doprowadzić do próby odpowiedzenia na pytanie o adekwatność kształtu prawnego nakazu opuszczenia lokalu względem usprawiedliwionych potrzeb pokrzywdzonych.
EN
The present state of scientific knowledge suggests that individuals cannot be deprivedof fundamental human rights. Human dignity must be respected and protected,especially in the case of individuals in difficult circumstances. Prison is certainly notan easy place to be. People in custody can feel lonely, separated from their families,friends or working life. The difficult situation that they are facing can lead to loneliness,susceptibility to diseases, an increased risk of aggression and severance of family ties.People in such a situation can easily fall victim of assaults on human dignity. That iswhy the ruling elites should make every effort to ensure their rights.In those circumstances, prisoners’ rights must be guaranteed by law. In accordancewith the principle of proportionality enshrined in Article 31 section 3 of the Constitutionof the Republic of Poland, the rights and duties of persons remanded in custodyhave to be regulated by legislation, mainly by the Executive Penal Code. In addition,according to the rules laid down in Article 4 section 2 of the Executive Penal Code,imprisoned persons retain their civil rights, and any restrictions on their rights maybe justified only if they are stipulated by law and valid decisions based on statutorygrounds. However, it should not be overlooked that the final shape of the rights ofpersons remanded in custody is influenced by secondary legislation and even de cisionsof the director of a penitentiary unit or other officers. By way of example, prisoners’visiting rights have to be guaranteed by law. For example, if the relevant legislationensured that the prisoner has the right to visits by the family every month, such visitscould preferably take place at a convenient time, e.g. at weekends.The aim of this paper was to confront the legal acts with statutory and internationalregulations which impact on the situation of prisoners. This situation wascompared with the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights. Internalorders of penitentiary units laid down by their directors were analysed from twoperspectives. Firstly, the authors verified if the directors implemented their internalorders in pursuance of the law. The issue is that any limitation on the vested rights hasto be based on law. Secondly, it is important how selected human rights are respectedin the internal orders and whether any such limitations are justified in the light of the applicable law and ECHR jurisprudence. For example, such issues as waterand bath availability, the right to use electricity, walking conditions, right to visits byfamily and friends, telephone contacts and access to the Internet, practising faith wereexamined during the research. Penitentiary isolation impacts on the prisoners’ freedom,especially in some types of penitentiary units. Therefore, particular attention shouldbe paid to improve the detention conditions. However, it should not be forgotten thatthe deprivation of liberty is punishment in itself. There is no need to cause unnecessarysuffering, especially without legal grounds. By the same token, it is not necessary tomake the burden of isolation heavier. The authors pointed out solutions inserted intopenitentiary, accessing its relevance. Any restriction of the prisoners’ rights musthave a legitimate basis laid down by law. The financial standing of countries, prisonovercrowding and an insufficient number of officers cannot be an excuse for anygovernment. The penitentiary system should be organised in such a way as to ensurefull respect for the rights of all prisoners. T he paper also points to the lack of detailedregulations in individual units, despite the obligation for such regulations to exist. Aswell as other problems, there is also the issue of regulations which became too wideand general, contrary to the principle of legal certainty. In effect, it is difficult to enforcein practice some rights which are not expressly conferred by law.
EN
A child can participate in mediation in criminal cases where he/she is a party to the proceedings and in juvenile cases. This occurs in the basic situations where he/she is either the perpetrator or the victim of a criminal act. These are obviously very different roles. A child is involved in proceedings for different purposes when he/she has been wronged than when he/she is the wrongdoer. In either case, however, the child requires special protection and treatment on account of his/her physical, psychological, emotional and intellectual immaturity. The Polish legislature recognises this and has introduced special provisions for children, i.e. juvenile and youth offenders and minor victims. Mediation with juveniles has acquired its own regulations. It might not be overly popular, but it is relatively well formulated. There are no such special provisions, however, for minor victims of criminal acts. Nor has this issue been given much consideration in the literature. As if that were not worrying enough, the key statement of the courts (Supreme Court Decision I KZP 9/12 of 20 June 2012) gives additional cause for concern as it shows that the objectives and principles of mediation are not sufficiently understood by the Supreme Court. Determining whether mediation can be conducted with a child who has been wronged by a crime committed by one of his/her parents is the primary goal the authors have set themselves. This does not so much concern the normative layer – where the law does not impose any limitations – as the ability of the child to take part in a mediation meeting and the possibility of assuring him/her adequate protection. These considerations raise several detailed issues whose specifications require a “child”, a “victim” and a “wronged party”. The nature of reconciliation and forgiveness, as distinctive features of mediation agreements, have to be analysed. Whether certain types of criminal cases (and not just those involving children) are suitable for mediation proceedings is another question that has to be answered). Children are often victims of violent crimes. These types of cases are highly contentious in the context of mediation, even when the victims are adults. This issue is evaluated against the main principles of mediation, viz. that it be voluntary and that the two sides be evenly matched. Accepting the admissibility of children participating in mediation raises the following questions as to how this admissibility is to be qualified: the minimum age of the child; representation of the child by a parent, guardian or probation officer; and special mediator training. The problems identified in the study acquire a particularly drastic dimension when the perpetrators of crimes against children happen to be the children’s own parents. Mediation between a child-victim and a perpetrator-parent is so fraught with danger as to make it inadmissible in such cases. The authors’ reservations concerning mediation with minor victims do not
EN
The purpose of the undertaken research was to assess the legitimacy of introducing a prohibition of compulsory mediation in cases of domestic violence. The provision of art. 48.1 of so-called the Istanbul Convention has imposed on States Parties (including Poland) an obligation to take the necessary legislative or other measures to prohibit mandatory alternative dispute resolution processes, including mediation and conciliation, in relation to all forms of violence covered by the scope of this Convention. Using the formal-dogmatic method, with particular emphasis on language and functional interpretation, an attempt was made to determine the scope of the competence standard encoded in this provision. The results of this study were confronted with the principles of mediation and Polish regulations in this area. The obtained results allowed for the formulation of a critical evaluation of the provision of art. 48.1 of the Convention.
PL
Celem podjętych badań była ocena zasadności wprowadzenia zakazu obowiązkowej mediacji w sprawach przemocy domowej. Analizie poddano przepis art. 48 ust. 1 tzw. konwencji stambulskiej, który nałożył na państwa-strony (w tym Polskę) obowiązek podjęcia koniecznych działań ustawodawczych lub innych zakazujących stosowania obowiązkowych alternatywnych procesów rozstrzygania sporów, w tym mediacji i rozstrzygnięć polubownych, w odniesieniu do wszelkich form przemocy objętych zakresem niniejszej konwencji. Przy wykorzystaniu metody formalno-dogmatycznej, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem wykładni językowej i funkcjonalnej, podjęto próbę ustalenia zakresu normy kompetencyjnej zakodowanej w niniejszym przepisie. Wyniki tak przeprowadzonego badania skonfrontowano z zasadami mediacji oraz polskimi regulacjami w tym obszarze. Otrzymane wyniki pozwoliły na sformułowanie krytycznej oceny przepisu art. 48 ust. 1 konwencji.
EN
One of the basic measures to prevent the spread of many infectious diseases is to distance oneself from other people. It is therefore no coincidence that in the time of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Polish legislator has resorted to such solutions as home isolation of patients, quarantine of people who have come into contact with the infected, and restrictions on the activities of institutions gathering many people. Similar methods were used in other countries. One of the more dramatic side effects of the ban on leaving home is the exposure of isolated people to violence in the household. The simultaneous suspension of the activity of aid institutions makes it much more difficult for the victim to obtain support. The text deals with the problem of legal and factual measures to counteract domestic violence in conditions of separation. The authorsanalyze Polish legal regulations, both those introduced for the purpose of counteracting domestic violence and those specifically, related to combating the virus. They are looking for answers to the question of what measures are effective in combating domestic violence in the extreme time of the pandemic. They recognize, however, that the experiences from this period can increase the level of protection of victims of violence at all times.
PL
Jednym z podstawowych środków przeciwdziałania rozprzestrzenianiu się wielu chorób zakaźnych jest zachowanie dystansu wobec innych osób. Nie jest więc przypadkiem, że w dobie pandemii COVID-19 polski ustawodawca sięgnął po takie rozwiązania, jak: izolacja domowa chorych, kwarantanna osób mających kontakt z zarażonymi, ograniczenia w działalności instytucji skupiających wiele osób. Po podobne metody sięgano w innych krajach. Jednym z dramatyczniejszych skutków ubocznych zakazu opuszczania mieszkania jest narażenie osób odizolowanych na przemoc ze strony domowników. Równoczesne wstrzymanie aktywności instytucji pomocowych sprawia, że ofierze dużo trudniej uzyskać wsparcie. Tekst podejmuje problem prawnych i faktycznych środków przeciwdziałania przemocy domowej w warunkach separacji. Autorki poddają analizie polskie regulacje prawne – zarówno te wprowadzone na potrzeby przeciwdziałania przemocy w rodzinie, jak i te szczególne, związane ze zwalczaniem wirusa. Poszukują odpowiedzi na pytanie, jakie środki okazują się skuteczne w walce z przemocą domową w ekstremalnym czasie pandemii. Dostrzegają jednak, że doświadczenia tego okresu mogą podnieść poziom ochrony ofiar przemocy w każdym czasie.
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