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1
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Maciej Drabiński, Anarchosyndykalizm w Europie. Teoria i praktyka, przedmowa Rafał Chwedoruk, Oficyna Wydawnicza Bractwa „Trojka”, Poznań 2014, ss. 248

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Zackiewicz G.
Białostockie Teki Historyczne
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2015
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vol. Białostockie Teki Historyczne, 2015, tom 13
2
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Polscy terroryści w walce z caratem, w związku z książką Waldemara Potkańskiego Terroryzm na usługach ugrupowań lewicowych i anarchistycznych w Królestwie Polskim do 1914 roku, Warszawa 2014

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Zackiewicz G.
Studia Podlaskie
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2015
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vol. 23
3
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Wojenne zapiski byłego premiera (Uwagi w związku z książką: J. Moraczewski, Dziennik wydarzeń 1939–1944, wstęp i opracowanie J. Dufrat i P. Cichoracki, Wyd. LTW, Łomianki 2016, ss. 1016)

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Zackiewicz G.
Studia Podlaskie
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2017
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vol. 25
4

SYNDICALISM - MOVEMENT AND DOCTRINE BEFORE WORD WAR I (Syndykalizm - ruch i doktryna przed I wojna swiatowa)

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Zackiewicz G.
Białostockie Teki Historyczne
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2008
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vol. 6
113-134
EN
The term syndicalism appeared at the end of the nineteenth century and was assimilated by the revolutionary fraction of the union movement in France. With time it also became popular in other countries, especially in Italy and Spain. The characteristic features of the syndicalistic doctrine in the discussed period are as follows: 1) anticapitalistic attitude combined with the belief that the unions will play the basic role not only in the rebuilding of the political system but also in the society of the future; 2) the thesis that the future of the world depends on the results of the class struggle conveyed on economic grounds; 3) activism, voluntarism, glorification of spontaneous activities; 4) rejection of the party model in political activities, criticism of the liberal-democratic system. Contrary to the widely spread - also nowadays - opinions, syndicalism has never been a homogeneous movement. Side by side with the dominating revolutionary stream, aiming at the liquidation of the state, with time the movement gave rise to a reformist current. The 'golden years' of syndicalism ended with the outbreak of World War I. The causes of such a state of affairs are complex and they should not be explained by the simple statement that the movement was losing its impact for the benefit of the growing influence of communism and fascism.
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JOZEF ZIELINSKI AND HIS POLITICAL CONCEPTIONS BEFORE THE FIRST WORLD WAR. A CONTRIBUTION TO THE HISTORY OF THE POLISH LEFT THOUGHT AT THE TIMES OF PARTITIONS (Polish title below)

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Zackiewicz G.
Studia Podlaskie
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2011
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vol. 19
251-268
EN
(Polish title: Jozef Zielinski i jego koncepcje polityczne sprzed I wojny swiatowej. Przyczynek do dziejow polskiej mysli lewicowej okresu zaborow). Born in 1861, Jozef Zielinski was one of the forerunners of Polish anarchism and syndicalism. The height of his activity in the area of political journalism occurred during several years preceding the First World War. At that time, being in exile in Paris, J. Zielinski published a few papers, where he, inter alia, referred to the ideas conveyed by G. Sorel and P. Kropotkin, as well as the conceptions which were then propagated by a radical wing of the French labor movement. Believing that the proclaimed political visions could be popularized within the territory of the former Republic of Poland, the main character of this article endeavored to reach Polish readers, particularly in the Russian and Austrian Partition. It is worth noticing that at the beginning of the 20th century, J. Zielinski's correspondence from the French capital was printed in Warsaw magazines 'Prawda ' (Truth) and 'Glos ' (Voice) whereas an extensive two-part article by this author was also published in the Cracow's 'Krytyka ' (Review) in 1903.
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POLISH SYNDICALISTS TOWARDS THE SOVIET UNION AND COMMUNISM DURING WORLD WAR II (Polscy syndykalisci wobec Zwiazku Radzieckiego i komunizmu w latach II wojny swiatowej)

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Zackiewicz G.
Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
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2010
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vol. 45
153-173
EN
Syndicalists were one of the first circles brought to life by conspirational structures in occupied Poland. Apart from the established in October 1939 Polish Syndicalist Association, from 1940, there existed, a significantly smaller in number, Syndicalist Organisation 'Freedom'. In the first years of the War, PSA as well as SOF occupied a principally anti-Soviet and anticommunist position. Polish syndicalists perceived the USRR as an imperialist country pertaining to the worst tsarism traditions, also in relation to the solutions adopted in the country-s internal policy. Local communists were accused of being dependent on Moscow, and the communist ideology was perceived as containing numerous errors. On establishing military objectives for Poland, it was pointed that only the implementation of the federation idea could offer a chance of survival for the nations of East-Central Europe between Germany and Russia. Along with the changing situation on the fronts of WW II, but also in the context of transformations occurring within the syndicalist movement, the anti-Soviet and anticommunist attitude of the community weakened. By the end of the War, not only in SOF, but also in PSA, emerged, torpedoed by the activists who viewed themselves as inheritors of the tradition of Polish irredenta, clear tendencies to achieve compromise with political forces oriented on Moscow and grounded in PKWN Manifesto. However, the disputes in syndicalist circles of that time presented no practical significance. On the threshold of Polish People-s Republic, the community disintegrated and did not play any further political role.
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Kryzys konstytucyjny w Estonii w 2016 r.

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Zackiewicz G.
UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences
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2021
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issue 4(21)
65-81
PL
Zgodnie z obowiązującym prawem prezydent Estonii jest wybierany pośrednio przez parlament, a w przypadku braku rozstrzygnięcia w trzech kolejnych turach głosowania – przez specjalnie powołane do tego celu kolegium elektorskie. W 2016 r. doszło w Estonii do bezprecedensowego kryzysu politycznego wynikającego z niemożności wyłonienia głowy państwa w trybie określonym w konstytucji. Wpływ na to miały zarówno czynniki natury ogólnej, związane z samym systemem wyborczym, jak i specyfika estońskiego życia politycznego w drugiej dekadzie XXI w. Wybory prezydenckie w 2016 r. okazały się skomplikowaną rozgrywką z udziałem głównych partii politycznych, dalece wykraczającą poza samą kwestię wyboru głowy państwa. Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu omówienie genezy i przebiegu, a także bezpośrednich skutków wspomnianych wydarzeń, których finałem okazał się niespodziewany wybór Kersti Kaljulaid na urząd prezydenta Republiki.
EN
By law, the president of modern Estonia is elected indirectly by parliament or, in the absence of a decision in three consecutive votes, by a specially appointed electoral college. In 2016, Estonia experienced an unprecedented political crisis resulting from the impossibility of appointing the head of state according to the procedure specified in the constitution. It was determined both by more general factors related to the electoral system itself, as well as the specificity of Estonia's political life in the second decade of the 21st century. The 2016 presidential election proved to be a complicated game involving major political parties, going well beyond simply appointing a new head of state. The purpose of this article is to discuss the origins, course and immediate effects of these events, culminating in the unexpected election of Kersti Kaljulaid to the office of President of the Republic.
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Maria Weber, Józefa Lis-Błońska. Ucieczka z twierdzy „Bobrujsk”, Warszawa : Oficyna Wydawnicza Rytm, 2016, ss. 152, ISBN 978-83-7399-703-5

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Zackiewicz G.
Czasopismo Naukowe Instytutu Studiów Kobiecych
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2018
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issue 1(4)
183-190
PL
artykuł recenzyjny
EN
review article
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