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Democracy and Extreme Confidence in Government: an Analysis of the Relation between the Quality of Democracy and the Confidence in Governments in 54 States

100%
Kuź M.
Studia Politologiczne
|
2013
|
issue 28
134-148
EN
This study examines the correlation between democracy and extreme confidence in governments in 54 states. The aim of the study is to test the hypothesis that the greater the number of citizens who display extreme confidence in government, the worse the quality of democracy. This finding argues against some of the propositions of Robert Putnam. The OLS regression analysis confirms the negative correlation between the variables, which indicates that the extreme levels of support for government do not correlate with the development of democracy.
2
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Stany Zjednoczone Europy czy Unia Amerykańska?

100%
Kuź M.
Przegląd Politologiczny
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2012
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issue 2
21-27
EN
The paper compares several selected aspects of political culture in the US and in the EU, and presents the fundamental ideas that have led to the emergence of these two federal political bodies, as according to Montesquieu’s typology, both the EU and the US are federal republics. The similarities and differences become even more apparent when comparing the Constitution of the United States and the Lisbon Treaty, which is to constitute the constitutional foundation of the European Union. Such a comparison reveals that the EU and the US are divided by a dialectical difference. This means that these two political constructs apply diametrically opposite solutions to essentially similar political problems. Theoreticians continue to discuss which model of federal republic is better, and whether the EU will have to adopt American solutions, or whether the US will europeanize itself. The author attempts to present the arguments of both sides in this discussion. In his opinion, though, either the EU will experience a breakthrough comparable to the Philadelphia Convention, or will face ultimate disintegration.
3
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Voegelinowska koncepcja symboli politycznych. Teoria i zastosowania

100%
Kuź M.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2016
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vol. 51
99-112
EN
This article examines the theoretical category of political symbols as proposed and developed by Eric Voegelin. The main focus is the usefulness of political symbols for politics, political analysis, and law. The original element of this study is a description of the genesis of the concept with a special focus on Voegelin’s early works, which are rarely mentioned in other similar analyses. The study concludes that political symbols are a theoretical tool that opens new avenues of research and can facilitate public dialogue in modern societies. Voegelin’s political symbols overcome the division into religion and ideologies. Moreover, the theory avoids some of the pitfalls that are characteristic of Carl Schmitt’s philosophy and enables a more nuanced analysis than the one based on the Huntingtonian category of civilizations.
PL
Poniższy artykuł stanowi refleksję nad zastosowaniem teoretycznej kategorii symboli politycznych w ujęciu Erica Voegelina do badań politologicznych oraz praktycznych problemów współczesnego prawa i polityki. Oryginalny wkład badawczy tego tekstu stanowi przy tym prześledzenie rozwoju koncepcji symboli politycznych u Voegelina i skupienie się na wczesnych, rzadko opisywanych tekstach tegoż autora. Konkluzją jest obserwacja, iż voegelinowska kategoria symboli politycznych to narzędzie znacznie powiększające nasze możliwości poznawcze i otwierające nowe pola dialogu społecznego. Kategoria ta przezwycięża bowiem nieprzystający już w pełni do współczesnej polityki podział na religie i ideologie, a równocześnie unika problemów charakterystycznych dla myśli politycznej Carla Schmitta i pozwala na bardziej szczegółową analizę niż upraszczające huntingtonowskie pojęcie cywilizacji.
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Democracy and Extreme Confidence in Government: an Analysis of the Relation between the Quality of Democracy and the Confidence in Governemnts in 54 States

100%
Kuź M.
Studia Politologiczne
|
2013
|
vol. 28
134-148
EN
This study examines the correlation between democracy and external confidence in governments in 54 states. The aim of the study is to test the hypothesis that the greater the number of citizens who display extreme confidence in government, the worse the quality of democracy. This finding argues against confirms of the propositions of Robert Putman.
PL
Badanie analizuje związek między demokracją a skrajnym zaufaniem do rząduw 54 państwach. Hipoteza, jaka jest testowana mówi, że im większa liczba obywateli, którzy mają skrajne zaufanie do rządu w danym państwie, tym mniej to państwo jest demokratyczne; tym samym podważa ona pewne propozycje Roberta Putmana.
5
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Anti-historicality of the American Mind: On the Origins of the American Left's and Right's Taste for "General Ideas" and Dislike of History

100%
Kuź M.
Horyzonty Polityki
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2013
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vol. 4
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issue 9
27-42
PL
The purpose of this article is to capture one of the key features of the political thought that developed in the United States of America.  Assuming that the USA’s political culture is indeed exceptional, the author attempts to find the common denominator that would reflect the singularity of the American political mind. The author states that such a feature is the radical anti-historicality of the American mode of thinking about politics. It is a phenomenon that is deeply-rooted in the political and spiritual past of the United States and seems to be crucial because it never developed to such an extent in other traditions. Furthermore, even today to a large extent it defines both the American left and right. It is also very much present in academic discussion as well as in ordinary political activities. By anti-historicality the author means the rejection of the thesis that politics within a given society depends on that society’s past experience.  The phenomenon defies simple normative assessments. On the one hand, it protects American politics from the perils of radical historicism; on the other hand, it hinders the USA’s contacts with other political bodies. However, the author concludes that understanding American anti-historicality is crucial when entering into any relations with the USA.
6
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Dissenting voices within political theory Voegelin’s quest for symbols and Strauss’s search for the philosopher

100%
Kuź M.
Przegląd Politologiczny
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2016
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issue 4
7-18
PL
Artykuł opisuje metodologiczne podejścia Erica Voegelina oraz Leo Straussa w zakresie studiów nad historią myśli politycznej, zwłaszcza zaś historią zachodniej myśli politycznej. Artykuł stawia tezę, iż obaj myśliciele oddalają się od głównego nurtu metodologicznego, który jest obecnie reprezentowany przede wszystkim przez przedstawicieli kontekstualizmu. W swoich poszukiwaniach obaj podążają jednak zupełnie odmiennymi drogami. Voegelin skupia się na badaniu symboli politycznych i ich zakorzenienia w metafizycznych doświadczeniach ludzi je tworzących. Strauss natomiast bada raczej odwieczne pytania filozofii, stosuje też pojęcie klasycznej dyskursywnej racjonalności jako kryterium oceny odpowiedzi na kluczowe zagadnienia filozoficzne. Obaj myśliciele różnią się też w sposobie postrzegania roli filozofa polityki. Dla Voegelina miałby on/ona konserwować lub współtworzyć swego rodzaju wiary polityczne. Dla Straussa zaś filozof to nauczyciel politycznie rozwiniętej młodzieży, a przede wszystkim obrońca samej filozofii, jako najszlachetniejszej formy działalności umysłowej. W końcowej części artykuł opisuje znaczenie obu autorów dla współczesnej myśli politycznej.
EN
The paper summarizes the nature of Eric Voegelin’s and Leo Strauss’s methodological approaches to the study of the history of political thought, in particular, the Western political thought. The paper concludes that in both cases the thinkers stray away from the mainstream, which is currently represented by contextualism. However, in their dissenting voices both authors take very different routes. Voegelin focuses on political symbols which are grounded in the metaphysical experience of their creators, and Strauss focuses on the perennial question of philosophy and classical, discursive rationality as the criterion of philosophical inquiry. They also differ in their opinions on the role of the political philosopher. For Voegelin, the philosopher is a defender or a co-creator of political creeds. For Strauss s/he is mainly the educator of politically savvy youths and, above all, the defender of philosophy as the most noble pursuit of the mind. The paper concludes by pointing out the importance and prominence of both thinkers.
7
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Francis Fukuyama, Historia ładu politycznego. Od czasów przedludzkich do rewolucji francuskiej, tłum. Norbert Radomski, Rebis, Poznań 2012, ss. 637

100%
Kuź M.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2012
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vol. 35
315-318
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