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1
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O roli retoryki i erystyki w kształceniu kultury politycznej Polaków

100%
Hordecki B.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
|
2009
|
issue 4
39-52
EN
The relations between rhetoric and politics is ernal and indestructible. Man is a political being while politics is always exercised applying various argumentative and persuasive tools. This fact has been commented upon since the ori human communities. Both rhetoric and eristic can be exercised as disciplines that facilitate the emergence of an understanding and trustful public domain. Nevertheless, rhetoric and eristic can only fon in such a manner provided that other disciplines which make up the current system of education in political science, and education in general, function in a similar way. Neither rhetoric nor eristic will contribute to a public debate which o consensus as long atical and economic system, including schooling, promotes individuls who can compete most skillfully.
2
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Nauczanie społeczne Benedykta XVI wobec współczesnych problemów globalnych

100%
Hordecki B.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2010
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issue 2
81-92
EN
On June 29, 2009 the Encyclical Caritas in veritate (Charity in Truth) of Benedict XVI was published, where the Pope presents his social teaching. He expresses his critical diagnosis of modern societies, indicating that it is selfishness resulting from lack of faith that is the source of all social evil. Benedict XVI calls for an effort to improve the world by multiplying the acts based on “the logic of giving without reciprocation” instead of the “logic of power” or the “logic of the market” in the realm of economy and politics also. The Pope also observes that unless the “logic of giving without reciprocation” dominates human relations both poor and affluent societies will continue to grapple with increasingly serious and tragic issues, and this logic will apparently not prevail if people do not begin to believe again. The Encyclical Caritas in veritate assumes the form of a diagnosis that the modern world disregards. In the opinion of the Pope this lack of attention is not the fault of the Papacy, but rather of the world itself. Expressing this attitude, the Pope easily assumes a position which is comfortable from his point of view, and which cannot be refuted nor corroborated.
3
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Struktura semantyczna pojęć „wolność sumienia i religii”, „wolność sumienia i wyznania” (część I)

100%
Hordecki B.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2014
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issue 2
105-126
EN
The aim of this paper is to present a general semantic structure of the notions of the “freedom of conscience and religion” and “freedom of conscience and religious denomination.” The text refers to the concept of Ch. L. Stevenson, by means of a differentiation between the descriptive and emotive levels of the notions. The descriptive and emotive senses of both notions are presented vis-à-vis the evolution of the notions of “dignity” and “tolerance”. The persuasive and manipulative potential contained in the notions of the “freedom of conscience and religion” and “freedom of conscience and religious denomination” is also emphasized.
4
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„Międzynarodowe życie rzeczy” w świetle „międzynarodowego życia osób”

100%
Hordecki B.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2014
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issue 4
33-54
EN
The text emphasises that in European culture, the terms ‘thing’ and ‘person’, as well as ‘subject and ‘object’, alongside their synonyms, have been changing their meanings, or rather acquiring new ones. Particular attention is given to the presentation of the following: 1. the transformation of the language used in the late Middle Ages which was most likely to have facilitated the modern transformation in thinking about the state and the individual (Ockham, nominalism); 2. parallelism of the modern concept of the state as subject (Richelieu, the concept of sovereignty) and the modern concept of the individual as subject (Descartes, the concept of autonomy). It is also indicated that since the 17th century the belief in the sovereignty of the state has alternated with the autonomy of the individual. Consequently, various types of objectification (for example, when individuals’ powers are diminished for the sake of the state, or the other way around). Describing the relations of subjectivity-objectivity and subjectification- objectification their flagrantly dichotomous nature is emphasised, which has entrenched itself as a consequence of European logic. It is also stressed, however, that relentlessly contrasting ‘subjects’ with ‘objects’ and ‘things’ with ‘persons’ continues to constitute one of the foundations of Europeanness.
5
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Struktura semantyczna pojęć „wolność sumienia i religii”, „wolność sumienia i wyznania” (część II)

100%
Hordecki B.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
|
2015
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issue 1
99-124
EN
The paper discusses the semantic complexity of the notions of “freedom of conscience and religion” and “freedom of conscience and religious denomination.” In order to describe the semantic potential of both terms, the emotive value of such words as “freedom”, “conscience”, “religion”, “denomination” and the nouns related to “conscience” (“conviction” and “consciousness”), as well as to “religion” (“worldview”) is analyzed.
PL
W tekście zajęto się problematyką złożoności znaczeniowej terminów „wolność sumienia i religii”, „wolność sumienia i wyznania”. Chcąc scharakteryzować semantyczny potencjał obu wyrażeń, przeanalizowano warstwę emotywnąnazw „wolność”, „sumienie”, „religia”, „wyznanie”, a także pokrewnych „sumieniu” („przekonanie” oraz „świadomość”), jak również „religii” („światopogląd”).
6
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The Escape from Everyday Life? Accounts of Holidays and Anniversaries in TV news

100%
Hordecki B.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2011
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issue 1
103-112
PL
Celem artykułu jest wstępna charakterystyka standardów, przy pomocy których polscy dziennikarze telewizyjni konstruują newsy dotyczące różnorakich uroczystości. W tekście wykazano, że w realiach polskich święta i rocznice często okazują się atrakcyjnym tematem newsa. Niemniej z punktu widzenia reportera ich relacjonowanie bywa też pewnym kłopotem czy wyzwaniem. Przygotowując komunikat dotyczący zdarzenia niecodziennego, dziennikarz stara się godzić wiele sprzecznych nieraz interesów. Można przypuszczać, że dotychczas sami dziennikarze nie zdefiniowali roli, jaką spełniać winien autor relacji dotyczącej świąt i rocznic. W tekście skupiono się również na funkcjach tego typu przekazów. Możliwe, iż to właśnie newsy dotyczące tego, co niecodzienne organizują wizję czasu i przestrzeni wielu Polaków. Być może omawiane relacje, ukazując to, co powtarzalne, porzadkują chaotyczny przepływ obrazów i dźwięków, jakim de facto jest program informacyjny. Niewykluczone, iż newsy dotyczące świętowania oraz upamiętniania przyczyniają się do integracji/dezintegracji polskiego społeczeństwa.
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Augustianizm Benedykta XVI a oddolna nauka społeczna Kościoła

100%
Hordecki B.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2008
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issue 1
49-60
EN
For several decades Joseph Ratzinger has been an influential co-architect of the grass-roots social teaching of the Church. Since his nomination as the Prefect of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith he has also become one of the most important demiurges of the top-down sources of this teaching. J. Ratzinger, or Pope Benedict XVI, compared himself to a ‘pack donkey’, who faithfully and persistently follows Christ. It seems that making reference to Bishop Hippona, the Bishop of Rome excessively underestimates the perversity of ‘God’s sheep’ listening to him. The works of J. Ratzinger lack appealing warnings against the theopolitical reception of Augustian thought.
8
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Rosyjskie jubileusze jako zjawiska retoryczno-ironiczne

100%
Hordecki B.
Przegląd Politologiczny
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2012
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issue 3
125-134
EN
The objective of the paper is to present Russian anniversaries that commemorate important historical events as phenomena with a dual, rhetorical and ironic character. Rhetoric and irony are used with reference to individuals as well as imagined communities, such as nations. The memory of some historical events, or the lack of such memory, as well as the manners of referring to these events or ignoring them, result in the transformation of what community members think about themselves and their entanglement in common existence and fate. Therefore, changes of remembrance and oblivion, recollection or forgetting can integrate or disintegrate, intensifying the pride or shame of one’s national identity, which eventually results in satisfaction or frustration, and sometimes in a sense of superiority or inferiority. Pride and satisfaction are produced by rhetoric, while shame and frustration – by irony. Sometimes rhetorical-ironic playing with the past assumes particular significance, becoming an exceptionally important factor in social and political life. This phenomenon strongly intensified in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century, becoming a veritable ‘anniver- sary-mania’, and in 2012, which President of the Russian Federation, Dmitry Medvedev, de- clared the Year of Russian History. The periods analyzed in the paper are around one hundred years apart. Russian society has totally changed over this period, mainly as a result of the revolution, two world wars and several decades of communist rule. In 1990, the Russian Federation was established, a state with an authoritarian-democratic hybrid of a political system. Despite these transformations, modern Russians repeat numerous set behavioral patterns from the beginning of the 20th century. These patterns are used by the advocates of affirmative as well as critical approaches to the history of Russia and the current social and political situation in the country.
9
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Motyw nieokreśloności Rosji jako element dziewiętnastowiecznych narracji politycznych

100%
Hordecki B.
Przegląd Politologiczny
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2016
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issue 1
123-142
EN
The 19th-century popularity and ambiguity of many versions of the motif of Russian indefiniteness contributed to popularize the view about its ineffaceable incongruity to the West. On the basis of such ideas the premises of the deep aversion between these two spheres were arising. Against thisbackground, it is clearly visible why despite of the not so rare mutual fascination, the relations between Russians and other European nations were often dominated by conflicts of interests, animosities and embarrassment associated with the difficult past and cultural distance. All of these barriers – in conjunction with the rapid acceleration of historical processes, including the intensification of international contacts – were facilitating the creation of fear, distrust, unfortunate statements, wounded pride, contempt and desire for revenge.
PL
Dziewiętnastowieczna popularność oraz wieloznaczność rozmaitych wariantów motywu nieokreśloności Rosji przyczyniły się do upowszechnienia poglądu o nieusuwalnym jej niedopasowaniu do Zachodu. Na kanwie tego typu wyobrażeń długo narastały przesłanki niechęci pomiędzy obiema przestrzeniami kulturowymi. Na tym tle widać częściowo, dlaczego w stosunkach Rosjan z narodami Europy, mimo nie tak znów rzadkiej, wzajemnej fascynacji, wielokrotnie górę brały konflikty interesów, animozje i zakłopotanie związane z niełatwą przeszłością oraz dystans kulturowy.Wszystkie wymienione bariery – w powiązaniu z gwałtownym przyspieszeniem procesów historycznych, w tym z intensyfikacją kontaktów międzynarodowych – sprzyjały i nadal sprzyjają kreowaniu strachu, nieufności, niefortunnych wypowiedzi, urażonej dumy, a niekiedy nawet wzgardy i chęci odwetu.
10
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Language Policies as an Instrument of Shaping and Rhetoricizing Mutual Relations in the Post-Soviet Region

100%
Hordecki B.
Przegląd Politologiczny
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2019
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issue 2
79-93
PL
Obszar postradziecki zamieszkują wspólnoty posługujące się wielką liczbą języków i dialektów. Mozaika językowa regionu kształtowała się przez tysiąclecia. Częstokroć stanowiła czynnik poważnie oddziałujący na rozwój sytuacji geopolitycznej w tejże części globu. Obszar postradziecki pozostaje przestrzenią, w której kwestie językowe nadal jawią się jako wyzwanie. W sporym stopniu tradycyjne problemy uległy komplikacji w okresie regionalnej ekspansji ruszczyzny w wiekach XIX oraz XX. Aktualnie państwa regionu starają się prowadzić bardziej lub mniej autonomiczne polityki językowe, niekiedy obliczone na łagodzenie, niekiedy na zaostrzanie miejscowych konfliktów socjopolitycznych. Polityki te nierzadko okazują się instrumentem, przy pomocy którego gracze regionalni usiłują niwelować tudzież zwiększać rozdźwięki w stosunkach wzajemnych. Co więcej, rozwiązania polityczne w kwestiach językowych często służą jako argumenty w rywalizacji aksjologicznej pomiędzy wspólnotami zamieszkującymi przestrzeń byłego ZSRR. Celem tekstu jest analiza wybranych aspektów wspomnianych polityk. Stanowi on także próbę ogólnej charakterystyki ich właściwości retorycznych oraz potencjału argumentacyjnego.
EN
The post-Soviet region is inhabited by communities using a high number of languages and dialects. This linguistic mosaic has been formed for millennia. Very often it turned out to be a factor seriously influencing the development of the geopolitical situation in this part of the globe. The post-Soviet region remains a space where language issues are still challenging and very sensitive. In large measure, traditional problems became more complicated during the period of the regional expansion of the Russian language in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Nowadays, states in the region try to create more or less autonomous language policies, sometimes calculated on relieving and sometimes on fueling socio-political conflicts. Language policies often turn out to be the instrument by which players in the region are trying to diminish or increase the gap in mutual relations. Additionally, political solutions applied to language issues often serve as a kind of argument in the axiological rivalry between communities living in the area of the former USSR. The paper aims to analyze some selected aspects of these policies. It also tries to characterize in general their rhetorical qualities and argumentative potential.
11
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Potencjał ideologiczny kosmizmu rosyjskiego

100%
Hordecki B.
Przegląd Politologiczny
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2022
|
issue 2
5-22
EN
The legacy of Russian cosmists provides a number of specific narratives on the relationship between humans and the cosmos. Nowadays in Russia one can observe a growing interest in the mentioned legacy. This phenomenon is connected, among other things, with the hope of gaining motivational benefits that seem to be achievable through the popularization of myths supported by Russian cosmists. Their utopian idealism is sometimes used to underpin the belief in the uniqueness of Russian attitudes toward the universe. Occasionally, there are also suggestions that Russian cosmism is a variety of normative thinking that Russia should promote as a basis for space exploration. Postulates of Russian cosmists contain a very strong emotional charge as well as a specific flavor of imperial thinking. As a result, under certain conditions they can play the role of catchy justifications for neoimperial ideological projects. This property is of particular concern in the context of the Russian Federation’s invasion of Ukraine.
PL
Dorobek rosyjskich kosmistów dostarcza wielu specyficznych narracji dotyczących relacji człowieka z kosmosem. Współcześnie w Rosji można zaobserwować wzrastające zainteresowanie wspomnianą spuścizną. Zjawisko to wiąże się m.in. z nadzieją na odniesienie korzyści motywacyjnych, które zdają się osiągalne poprzez popularyzację mitów wspieranych przez rosyjskich kosmistów. Ich utopijny idealizm bywa wykorzystywany jako podbudowa przekonania o unikatowym charakterze rosyjskiego stosunku względem wszechświata. Niekiedy zaobserwować można także sugestie, iż rosyjski kosmizm stanowi odmianę myślenia normatywnego, które Rosja winna promować jako podstawę eksploracji przestrzeni kosmicznej. Postulaty rosyjskich kosmistów zawierają bardzo silny ładunek emocjonalny, a także specyficzny posmak myślenia imperialnego. W rezultacie w określonych warunkach mogą odgrywać rolę chwytliwych uzasadnień neoimperialnych projektów ideologicznych. Właściwość ta niepokoi w szczególności w kontekście inwazji Federacji Rosyjskiej w Ukrainie.
12
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Miejsce ideologii oficjalnej narodnost’ w przestrzeni rosyjskiej myśli społeczno-politycznej lat 30. oraz 40. XIX stulecia

100%
Hordecki B.
Themis Polska Nova
|
2018
|
issue 2(14)
196-214
EN
The aim of the text was to locate the Ideology of Official Nationality in the space of Russian socio-political thought of 30s and 40s of the 19 century. The ideology, elaborated by count Sergey Semionovich Uvarov (1786–1855), was not only one among many legitimizing concepts, created mainly in regard to please Nicolai I. This doctrine occurred also to be a central narrative, organizing and polarizing Russian public discourse until the end of the Romanov’s monarchy. At first, the intellectual camps emerged during Nicolas I’s reign treated the Uvarov’s proposition as a central point of reference. Then next generations of the Russian intelligentsia referred to it, including the representatives of nearly all currents within the Russian socio-political thought before 1917. However, the core of the ideology of official nationality, i.e. so called the Uvarov’s triade (Orthodoxy, Autocracy, and Nationality; Православие, Самодержавие, Народность) was burdened with an indispensible tension between the values entered into it. Namely, the reference to Orthodoxy (Православие) and Nationality (Народность) was expressing the integrative ambitions of Uvarov, who was searching for values which would enable to unify nearly all inhabitants of the Russian Empire. Nevertheless, Autocracy (Самодержавие), despite Uvarov’s desires and beliefs, was not a principle able to inspire people infi nitely to prefer group rather than individual aspirations. In fact, the last part of the Uvarov’s triade – signifying a variety of modern absolutism – promotes a particular kind of egotism and social atomism.
13
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Wymiar antropologii filozoficznej w liberalnych ujęciach teorii racjonalnego wyboru

100%
Hordecki B.
Themis Polska Nova
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2017
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issue 1(12)
125-157
EN
One of the aims of this paper was to characterize liberal theories of rational choice which emerged in XX century, especially theory of public choice. It ought to be noticed that such a task was realized many times by many authors. Due to this fact the text is devoted mostly to review the positions presented by the leading representatives of the intellectual circle mentioned above. Especially the shortages of their philosophical anthropology were pointed out. Moreover, the critique of the linguistic dimension of the rational choice theory was proposed. It was also shown that their endeavours of grounding their works in a long lasting tradition is profoundly disputable.
14
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„Solidarność bez pojednania”? Kwestia stosunków polsko-rosyjskich w kampanii prezydenckiej w 2010 roku

100%
Hordecki B.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
|
2011
|
vol. 27
58-75
EN
The aim of the article is to show what depiction of Polish-Russian relations was presented by media and leading politicians in Poland aft er the crash of Polish governmental plane in Smolensk and before the last presidential elect and during the campaign press and political statements about affairs between Poles and Russians were completely different than before that date. The article responds to two main questions. The first, why afteions. Moreover the text is an effort to answer why after 10 April, 2010r the catastrophe and before the elections, when it came to talk about Poland and Russia, Polish journalists were focusing nearly on events connected with death of Lech Kaczyński? The second, why candidates and their assistants generally didn’t say a lot about the crash and presented rather positive but non-obliging declarations about Russian Federation and its inhabitants?
15
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Historia rosyjskiej XIX-wiecznej myśli społeczno-politycznej. Problem cezury początkowej i końcowej

100%
Hordecki B.
Themis Polska Nova
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2015
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issue 1(8)
189-208
EN
The main aim of the text was to determine the beginning and the end of the nineteenth-century in Russia in the field of socio-political thought. Both the initial turning point and final turning point were chosen with intention to facilitate the understanding of specificity of Russian socio-political thinking in the age of last five tsars. The article presents the position that it’s useful not to adapt the periodizations well known and well-established in contemporary historiography. These are often too universal, good for description of general image of socio-political debate in the industrial era. However, one needs different, more specialized concepts if it comes to grasp the details which make Russian nineteenth-century socio-political mentality unique and developing with its own logic.
16
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Główne idee narodnictwa i anarchizmu rosyjskiego w kontekście przekształceń oficjalnej ideologii carskiej doby pomikołajowskiej

100%
Hordecki B.
Themis Polska Nova
|
2014
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issue 2(7)
100-126
EN
The main aim of the text is to characterize in general terms thought of the 19th century Russian narodniks and anarchists. Their concepts are presented as an important ideological propositions, included into broad system of Russian political and legal opinions. These were the answer for the decomposition of the official tsarist ideology. One of the signs of this process was the sharp discussion among the ideologues of the Romanov’s court about the hierarchy of elements in the famous slogan “Православие, Самодержавие, Народность” (“Orthodoxy, Autocracy and Nationality”).
17
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Tabloidyzacja czy tabloidyzacje telewizyjnych programów informacyjnych? (Fakty TVN i Wiadomości TVP)

63%
Hordecki B., Piontek D.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2010
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issue 2
19-32
EN
Tabloidization is one of the main processes affecting modern mass media which can be observed in the media systems around the world. In Poland, the phenomenon of tabloidization has clearly intensified since the emergence of a pluralist media market, and in particular since the first commercial TV station and first typical tabloid have come into existence. The objective of the paper is to present the tabloidization processes in the Polish system of TV broadcasting. Having narrowed the subject matter to the realm of news programs the authors present the research conducted in order to address two fundamental questions: 1. Does the tabloidization of TV programs in Poland occur irrespective of the broadcaster’s status, and 2. Is the tabloidization of TV programs different depending on the broadcaster’s status?
18
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An ideal of a politician in Polish tabloids “Super Express” and “Fakt. Daily”

63%
Hordecki B., Piontek D.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
|
2011
|
issue 3
47-60
PL
Artykuł zawiera porównanie badań przeprowadzonych w roku 2007 i 2009. Analizie zawartości mediów poddano dwa wiodące polskie tabloidy, tj. „Fakt. Gazetę Codzienną” oraz „Super Express”. Celem porównania było stwierdzenie, czy wnioski dotyczące różnic pomiędzy badanymi gazetami w kwestii operowania ideałami polityka, sformułowane na podstawie materiału z 2007 r., zostaną konfirmowane badaniami materiałów publikowanych dwa lata później. W konkluzji artykułu autorzy stwierdzają, że różnice pomiędzy wiodącymi polskimi tabloidami są wyraźne i mają charakter względnie stały. Co najistotniejsze, redakcja „Faktu. Gazety Codziennej”, w przeciwieństwie do „Super Expressu”, zarówno w roku 2007, jak i 2009, operowała stabilnym wzorcem, w oparciu o który oceniano i komentowano działalność aktorów politycznych. Natomiast dziennikarze „Super Expressu” nie posiadali takiego miernika, a ich teksty z reguły miały bulwersować, deprecjonując sferę polityczną oraz zawód polityka jako takie. Interpretację wyników przeprowadzono w oparciu o wiedzę nt. tabloidyzacji mediów, tabloidyzacji newsów oraz personalizacji polityki.
19
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Metodologia badań nad tabloidyzacją

63%
Hordecki B., Piontek D.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2012
|
vol. 36
28-44
EN
In past few years tabloidization became a popular and widely used term, describing particular phenomena and processes occurring in media and its discourse. It also went on to be an interesting subject of studies that facilitates assessment of state not only journalism as a profession, but also contemporary media systems and societies, as well as comprehension of mechanisms that put them in motion. Thesis stating that tabloids and tabloid-like media strongly affect mentality of millions of audience, shaping their memories, opinions and knowledge was commonly approved. Article presents original project of use of content analysis to research tablodization basing on the example of Polish newscasts. It includes also exemplary set of variables and propositions of how a key should look. Authors present their arguments in favour of tabloidization research and demonstrate its indicators.
20
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Trzy Themis Polskie

63%
Hordecki B., Sobczak J.
Themis Polska Nova
|
2011
|
issue 1(1)
9-44
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