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Ocena funkcjonalności zmian wprowadzonych do Kodeksu wyborczego w 2018 roku w świetle doświadczeń wyborów samorządowych

100%
Michalak B.
Studia Wyborcze
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2019
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vol. 28
55-73
EN
The aim of the paper is to assess the functionality of amendments introduced to the Polish Elec-toral Code before local government elections in 2018. They brought a number of significant changes to the Polish electoral law, both of a political and organizational nature, as well as in terms of trans-parency and integrity of the entire electoral process. The most important of the amendments con-cerned changes in the functioning of electoral administration bodies (increased number of electoral scrutineers, establishment of the Electoral Officers’ Corps, doubling of the number of local elec-toral commissions with simultaneous privileged position of large electoral committees in the process of nominating candidates to these commissions), new conditions for vote validity (new definition of “x”), lower maximum number of candidates shown on the ballot paper and the establishment of the function of social observers to the electoral process.
PL
Celem artykułu jest dokonanie oceny funkcjonalności zmian wprowadzonych do Kodeksu wyborczego przed wyborami samorządowymi w 2018 roku, które istotnie zmieniły polskie prawo wyborcze zarówno w treści o charakterze politycznym, organizacyjnym, jak i w zakresie przejrzystości oraz uczciwości procesu wyborczego. Najważniejsze z nich dotyczyły funkcjonowania administracji wyborczej… (zwiększenie liczby komisarzy wyborczych, powołanie Korpusu Urzędników Wyborczych oraz podwójnej liczby obwodowych komisji wyborczych przy jednoczesnym uprzywilejowaniu dużych komitetów wyborczych w procesie zgłaszania kandydatów do tych komisji), warunków ważności głosu (nowa definicja znaku „x”), zmniejszenia maksymalnej liczby kandydatów na karcie do głosowania oraz wprowadzenia instytucji obserwatora społecznego wyborów.
2
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Czy prawa Duvergera nadal obowiązują?

100%
Michalak B.
Studia Socjologiczne
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2015
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issue 3(218)
41-64
PL
W artykule poddano analizie i weryfikacji empirycznej klasyczną teorię francuskiego politologa Maurice’a Duvergera tłumaczącą związki pomiędzy systemem wyborczym a systemem partyjnym. Propozycja ta, wielokrotnie omawiana, reinterpretowana, weryfikowana, krytykowana i jednocześnie potwierdzana, weszła do kanonu wiedzy i wyznaczyła kierunki badań empirycznych na temat relacji pomiędzy systemami wyborczymi a partyjnymi na wiele dekad. Autor ogłosił ją dumnie „prawdziwym prawem socjologicznym”. Celem tego artykułu jest ewaluacja twierdzeń Duvergera na płaszczyźnie metodologicznej i teoretycznej. Skonfrontowano również sformułowane przewidywania teorii z wynikami badań empirycznych. W konsekwencji umożliwi to odpowiedź na zasadnicze pytanie badawcze sformułowane w tytule artykułu.
XX
The present paper analyses and empirically verifies a classical theory of a French political scientist, Maurice Duverger, which explains the relations between electoral and party systems. The Duverger’s theory being often discussed, interpreted, verified, criticised and at the same time corroborated, entered the canon of knowledge and for many decades set the directions of empirical studies on the relations between electoral and party systems. Duverger proudly named his theory a “true sociological law”. The aim of the paper is to evaluate Duverger’s assertions on the methodological and theoretical basis. To boot, it confronts predictions of the theory with the results of empirical research. Consequently, it will be possible to answer the eponymous, fundamental research question: Are the Duverger’s laws still valid?
3
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The Usefulness of the Index Method for the Analysis of the Relevance of Political Parties

100%
Michalak B.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2011
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vol. 29
143-156
PL
Celem artykułu jest krytyczny przegląd popularnych technik badawczych (tzw. indeksów) wykorzystywanych do pomiaru różnych parametrów systemów partyjnych pod kątem ich użyteczności w badaniu relewancji partii politycznych. Punktem wyjścia dla dalszych rozważań jest nominalna koncepcja relewancji zaproponowana przez G. Sartoriego. W dalszej części podjęta zostanie próba odpowiedzi na pytanie czy ta jakościowa metoda może zostać w jakikolwiek sposób skwantyfikowana? W tym kontekście analizie poddane zostaną takie wskaźniki jak: indeks efektywnej liczby partii, indeksy siły i relewancji rządowej. Artykuł wykazuje, że wbrew obawom wielu badaczy, politologia dysponuje rozbudowanym zbiorem narzędzi umożliwiających dokonywanie precyzyjnych i komparatystycznie przydatnych pomiarów danych empirycznych. Teoretyczna koncepcja relewancji, wraz z jej jakościowym „testem”, w połączeniu z odpowiednio dobranymi i skonfigurowanymi technikami ilościowymi gwarantują skuteczny pomiar relewancji również na poziomie porządkowym, a nawet interwałowym. Można zatem podejście to z powodzeniem nazwać „metodą indeksowa”.
EN
The aim of this article is to present a critical overview of research methods (so called indexes) used for measuring different parameters of party systems. The starting point for further discussion is the semantic relevance theory developed by G. Sartori. In the next part of the article I will deal with the question whether this qualitative method can be quantified in any way. With this regard, I will analyse such indexes as: the effective number of parties index, the power indexes and the government relevance indexes. The article shows that despite many scholars’ fears, political science has a large set of tools for making precise measurements of empirical data, which may be used for comparison. A theoretical concept of relevance, together with its “qualitative” test, combined with properly selected and configured quantitative techniques, guarantee the effective measurement of relevance also at the ordinal, or even the interval level. Thus, it is legitimate to refer to this approach as an “index method.
4
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Metody porównawcze stosowane w badaniach systemów wyborczych

100%
Michalak B.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2016
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vol. 51
7-27
EN
In recent years, much attention has been paid to methodological issues within the purview of political science, what rightly reminds us that the identity and maturity of a scientific discipline is revealed in the methods employed by it. At the same time, the examination of the electoral systems’ consequences is easily submitted for quantifi cation. The ‘hard’ election data such as the number of votes and seats as well as the number of political parties and candidates are excellent materials for quantitative analysis, what is of the great value for the empirically oriented political science. Moreover, more than 60 years of research in this field have resulted in the development of various methods, techniques, tools and interpretative approaches towards aforementioned data. These methodological achievements continuously undergo the process of evaluation and evolution. The aim of this paper is to present and discuss, in a critical way, the most important research methods and methodological approaches that have until now been used to study the consequences of electoral systems. These methods and methodological approaches vary so much as far as their starting assumptions, techniques of collecting data and ways of interpreting the results are concerned, that it seems almost necessary to treat them as separate comparative methods.
PL
W ostatnich latach w nauce o polityce coraz więcej uwagi poświęca się kwestiom metodologicznym, nie bez racji przypominając, że o tożsamości i dojrzałości dyscypliny świadczą metody, z jakich ona korzysta. Tymczasem badanie konsekwencji systemów wyborczych bardzo dobrze poddaje się kwantyfikacji. „Twarde” dane wyborcze (takie jak liczba głosów, mandatów, partii i kandydatów) już na wejściu doskonale nadają się do analiz ilościowych, co dla empirycznie zorientowanej politologii stanowi niebywałą wartość. Co więcej, ponad 60 lat badań w tym obszarze zaowocowało wytworzeniem wielu technik i narzędzi przetwarzania oraz sposobów interpretowania tych danych. Warsztat ten cały czas podlega ewaluacji i ewolucji. Celem tego artykułu będzie krytyczne omówienie najważniejszych podejść metodologicznych i metod badawczych stosowanych do tej pory przy analizach konsekwencji systemów wyborczych. Są one tak różne zarówno pod względem swoich założeń wyjściowych, procedury badawczej oraz sposobu interpretacji wyników, że wydaje się wręcz konieczne ich wyodrębnienie jako osobnych metod porównawczych.
5
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Badanie zależności pomiędzy systemem wyborczym a systemem partyjnym przy wykorzystaniu metody indeksowej. Przypadek mieszanych systemów wyborczych w Rosji i na Ukrainie oraz proporcjonalnej reprezentacji w Polsce

100%
Michalak B.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
|
2012
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vol. 36
94-113
EN
The article describes the most common indicators (so-called indices) and the methods of combining as well as interpreting them in the political science comparative studies. An employment of these indices allows the analysis of the impact of electoral systems on party ones. Using Russian and Ukrainian mixed electoral systems and Polish proportional representation as an example, the author expounds the impact of given elements of electoral systems on configuration of party systems. Proceeding so, he gauges the effects of the influence in question by deploying the so-called effective number of parties formula. The author points out that amongst others effects of this interconnection of systems there is also the impact on the concentration level of party systems. Additionally, this paper debunks a plethora of popular opinions concerning political effects of electoral systems and teaches how one can verify those opinions employing the index method and how to interpret the indices.
6
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(Dys)proporcjonalność polskich wyborów samorządowych

100%
Michalak B.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
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2021
|
issue 4 (62)
273-285
EN
Studies on disproportionality of proportional electoral systems proves prove that district magnitude is a key variable determining deviations from proportionality in election results. This paper will shows how district magnitude affects electoral disproportionality by employing empirical data from Polish local elections in 2018. The analysis will prove that Polish “proportional” electoral system to local councils leads to highly disproportional results.
PL
Badania nad dysproporcjonalnością proporcjonalnych systemów wyborczych dowodzą, że wielkość okręgu wyborczego jest kluczową zmienną determinującą siłę odchyleń od proporcjonalności wyników wyborów. W artykule pokazane zostanie jak parametr ten wpływa na dysproporcjonalność wyborczą, wykorzystując dane z polskich wyborów samorządowych z 2018 r. Analizy dowiodą, że polski „proporcjonalny” system wyborczy do lokalnych rad prowadzi do wysoce dysproporcjonalnych rezultatów.
7
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The Anti-systemness of the Protest Parties

100%
Michalak B.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2011
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vol. 40
110-121
EN
Last decades of the past century, as well as the current one, may be characterized by the increase of political role of the movements that are called “the protest parties.” Scholars, journalists and politicians put a lot of attention to that phenomenon. However, it is focused just on selected elements of the problem. Beginning from the 1980s European public opinion may observe the rise and development of groups of ecologists. The unexpected electoral success of the new type of party is called “the New Populism.” Back in the 1990s it caused many concerns, opinions and discussions on the issue whether such parties are harmful for modern and stabilized western European democracies. At the turn of the century the political scene has been dominated by new forms of activity, which are the anti-globalization and alternative globalization movements.
8
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Zmiana przepisów Kodeksu wyborczego przed wyborami samorządowymi 2018

100%
Michalak B.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2018
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vol. 58
75-99
EN
11 January 2018, the Sejm of the Republic of Poland enacted many amendments of the Electoral Code. These changes concerned primarily electoral administration, electoral commissions, and electoral rights. The present paper analyses practical and political consequences of the most important reforms. The author wants to prove that some of these changes, especially in the structure of the National Electoral Commission and the electoral administration as whole, may result in political and organizational crisis during the local government elections in 2018. In author’s opinion, it does not mean that changes of the electoral law are utterly unnecessary. This law can be modified, but every single change must be thought over first. That is because the electoral system is the most susceptible for political manipulations. Healthy party competition requires that the election rules are not changed too frequently, especially before the election.
PL
11 stycznia 2018 r. Sejm RP uchwalił ustawę wprowadzającą wiele zmian do Kodeksu wyborczego. Najważniejsze zmiany dotyczyły administracji wyborczej, komisji wyborczych oraz praw wyborczych. Artykuł analizuje szczegółowe konsekwencje polityczne najważniejszych z tych reform. Autor dowodzi, że część z tych zmian, w szczególności dotyczących struktury Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej i administracji wyborczej jako takiej, może doprowadzić do kryzysu organizacyjnego i politycznego podczas wyborów samorządowych w 2018 r. Nie oznacza to jednak, że zmiany w obszarze prawa wyborczego nie są konieczne. Modyfikacje są potrzebą, ale wcześniej powinny być bardzo dokładnie przemyślane. System wyborczy jest bowiem jednym z najbardziej podanych na manipulacje instrumentów politycznych. Tymczasem uczciwa rywalizacja partyjna wymaga, aby reguły wyborcze nie były zmieniane zbyt pochopnie i często, zwłaszcza bezpośrednio przed wyborami.
9
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Joanna Jankiewicz, Nowa skrajna prawica w wybranych państwach Europy Zachodniej. Analiza porównawcza, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2007, ss. 248

100%
Michalak B.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2008
|
vol. 20
225-232
10
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Zmiany przepisów prawa wyborczego w związku z wyborami do organów samorządu terytorialnego w 2006 r.

100%
Michalak B.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2007
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vol. 17
11-22
EN
MEMBERSHIP POLAND IN European Union, results of earlier reforms and political context decided about successive changes in local government electoral law. Since 2004 to 2006 Polish parliament made eleven modifications this law. These changes concerned on: electoral rights, electoral commissions, election committees, financing of the election campaign and submission of lists of candidates. This paper analyses political consequences of these reforms. Author wants to prove that some of these changes had a political reasons, especially linked lists of candidates (apparentement). Instability, variety and complicated some of electoral rules may causes to delegitimize the electoral system as a whole in future. It may be dangerous for democracy. In author’s opinion it does not mean that it is unnecessary to change the local government electoral law. It can be modified but every single change must be think over first. That is because of the electoral system is the most specific manipulative instrument of politics. Healthy partisan competition requires that the election rules are not be changed too frequent, especially before the election.
11
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Kierunki reformy systemu wyborczego na tle praktyki wyborczej w Polsce. Wybrane aspekty

100%
Michalak B.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2009
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vol. 21
165-186
EN
ELECTORAL SYSTEM IS one of main democratic institutions. Like other fields of law, it is a very dynamic phenomenon that depends on constantly changing social and political circumstances. Of course, it has to be updated quite recently. On the other hand, one shall take into account, that such factors as instability, variety and incompatibility of some electoral provisions may cause delegitimization of the political system in general. Electoral systems may be then modified, but each reform shall be first thought over and the changes cannot be implemented too frequently. In the article, the author suggests that such reforms shall be categorized into four kinds of change: (1) system reforms – aimed at comprehensive standardization and unification of electoral law; (2) basic standardization changes – that occur as amending former regulations due to discrepancies between regulations and existence of some dysfunctional anachronisms; (3) simplifications of voting – these reforms should encourage people who do not vote to change their habits; (4) rationalizing reforms – aimed at verification of authentic functionality of certain electoral institutions and mechanisms. It seems that an electoral code has the best potential to follow these aims. It would fulfill most of requirements concerning reforms of the electoral law, which are being proposed by theoreticians and practitioners of electoral regulations since such a long time.
12
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Kto traci a kto zyskuje na systemie podziału mandatów pomiędzy okręgi w wyborach do Parlamentu Europejskiego w Polsce

100%
Michalak B.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2015
|
issue 1(126)
27-44
EN
In Poland, the system of election to the European Parliament is based on a multistage procedure for the division of seats, which has departed from Polish traditional and well-established model of territorial representation. As a result, seats are not permanently assigned to constituencies and are allocated “dynamically” depending on the distribution of the votes among the constituency list of candidates. Before the election, nobody knows how many seats will be finally obtained by the region. As a consequence of this system the distribution of seats is unjust and incompatible with the principle of substantive equality and which, at the starting point, discriminates against constituencies with less than 2.2 million voters. It does not provide for the proper performance of the function of territorial representation, nor does it reward (in a consistent manner) those constituencies in which the turnout is higher than the national one, instead leading to paradoxical divisions. This system, inconsistently and without reliance on any reasonable criteria, favours or discriminate against constituencies with of the same number or percentage of those taking part in voting. There is, no rational and justified reasons to keep it.
13
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Dokumentacja medyczna 3D

100%
Michalak B.
Studia Ekonomiczne
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2014
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vol. 199
187-195
EN
The concept of health system information and documentation began to play an important role at the time of the development of medical technologies. For many years medical information was based on the core document of medical activities, which is a medical report. Data included in the medical documentation, was regarded by the medical profession as the source of financial, statistical, legal and scientific knowledge. In the perspective of 2014, the area of medicine recognizes a human being as the three dimensional description of medical report.
14
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Mieszany system wyborczy – cztery warianty dla Polski

63%
Michalak B., Flis J.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2017
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vol. 55
65-88
EN
The present paper deals with the possible political consequences of employing a mixed electoral system in the elections to Polish Sejm. The dependent variables are: distribution of seats amongst political parties which win the equal votes, deviation of election results from the proportionality and the degree of concentration of the party system. The independent variable are specific, described in the literature and actually existing types of mixed electoral systems. Four variants of electoral systems representing four basic types of such systems have been tested. Simulations have been conducted on the basis of 2011, 2015, and hypothetical 2019 elections results. The degrees of an electoral system’s disproportionality and of party system’s concentration were juxtaposed with the measurements of these parameters in the countries which employ such mixed electoral systems. Presented results demonstrate that mixed electoral systems can lead to the whole spectrum of possible changes, depending on the employed type of the electoral system.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia możliwe konsekwencje polityczne zastosowania mieszanego systemu wyborczego w wyborach do Sejmu RP. Zmiennymi zależnymi są: podział mandatów pomiędzy partie przy tej samej liczbie zdobywanych głosów, odchylenie wyników wyborczych od proporcjonalności oraz stopień koncentracji systemu partyjnego. Zmienną niezależną konkretne – występujące na świecie i opisane w literaturze przedmiotu – typy systemów mieszanych. Testowi poddane zostały cztery warianty mieszanej ordynacji wyborczej, reprezentujące cztery podstawowe typy takich ordynacji. Symulacje przeprowadzono w oparciu o wyniki wyborów 2011 i 2015 roku oraz hipotetyczne wyniki dla wyborów 2019 roku. Poziom dysproporcjonalności systemu wyborczego oraz koncentracji systemu partyjnego został skonfrontowany z pomiarami tych parametrów wśród państw wykorzystujących tego systemy mieszane. Przedstawione wyniki pokazują, że ordynacje mieszane mogą dać całe spektrum ewentualnych zmian, w zależności od ich konkretnego typu.
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O problemie dopuszczalnosci prowadzenia kampanii profrekwencyjnej w okresie siszy referendalnej

63%
Michalak B., Frydrych A.
Przegląd Sejmowy
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2012
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issue 1(108)
43-57
EN
This article deals with the issue of permissibility of conducting a campaign to increase voter turnout in the course of pre-referendum media silence. A voter turnout not only attracts growing interest of scientists and politicians, but also has become the subject of a wider public debate. As a result, each year there are more new initiatives aimed at increasing among the citizens the awareness of the importance of their participation in elections and referendums and mobilising them to participate in the voting. The authors focus their attention on the difference between election and referendum voter turnouts, i.e. the participation requirement necessary to make the vote valid, both in respect of a local and a nationwide referendum. They show that launching of actions aimed at boosting voter turnout in the period of media silence is a much more complex and unequivocal problem in the case of a referendum. The ‘referendum validity threshold’, intended to guarantee the representative nature of the decisions may, in practice, be used by the minority to forcibly impose its will upon the majority. Voter turnout campaigns can be used to achieve this goal. The article is composed of six parts: an introduction, presentation of the core of pre-referendum media silence and its normative regulation, referendum’s validity requirements, arguments for and against carrying out a voter turnout campaign during the period of pre-referendum media silence, and a summary.
16
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Impact of Scholarly Publications and the Selected Socio-Demographic Factors

51%
Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Michalak B., Kącka K.
The New Educational Review
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2018
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vol. 52
164-177
EN
In a dynamically developing scientific environment, there is a tendency toward creating mechanisms that objectively evaluate the output of individual scientific units. Selected indicators can be applied, inter alia, to work out specific criteria for awarding funds for scientific research activities. One of the most important indicators used is the impact of researchers’ publications, which today determines the overall outcome of the evaluation of a research unit. The key question in this context is whether any socio-demographic factors are correlated with the impact of the scholarship work of individual researchers and, if yes, what those indicators are, specifically. The purpose of this study was to determine the existence and, if confirmed, the nature of correlation between the impact of researchers’ publications and selected socio-demographic factors such as: age, gender and family status. The study sample included all the academic employees of the Faculty of Political Sciences and International Studies, Nicolaus Copernicus University, in Toruń (Poland). The results demonstrated that the socio-demographic factors considered showed little correlation with publications’ impactfulness as measured in the Polish evaluation system of research units.
17
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Publication Effectiveness of Academia Employees in Poland: A Case Study

51%
Kącka K., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Michalak B.
The New Educational Review
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2018
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vol. 54
62-74
EN
Effectiveness in publishing is currently the most important criterion in the process of the evaluation of scientific and research units in Poland. In the national evaluations system for such units, this criterion has the largest relative impact on their final assessment and rating, on the basis of which, in turn, financial resources are allocated. The key question in this context was what factors are correlated with publication effectiveness of employees in the domain of science? The aim of the analysis was to determine correlations between selected factors such as an employee’s academic title and position in a scientific unit’s hierarchy or their teaching load and their scientific effectiveness as measured by publications. The study was conducted on the entire staff population of the Faculty of Political Sciences and International Studies at Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń. As a result, it was found that the selected factors only to a marginal degree were correlated with publication effectiveness in the group studied.
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