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EN
The author addresses an important question of transformation in the field of foreign policy priorities made by Russian Federation, indicating both the causes, assumptions and ad hoc and prospective objectives of the newly announced strategy, which is a retreat from the West and the intensification of relations with the countries of Asia. This was largely a consequence of the crisis in the relations with the West, due to the annexation of the Crimea and the conflict in the east of Ukraine. However, explaining the motives of this policy, the Russian side tried to ignore the true impact of the Ukrainian crisis. As a whole, this new national strategy has been dubbed PovorotnaVostok. This strategy should boost economic growth, and above all play the role of the one of key instruments restoring Russia’s lost position as a global power. More broadly, the Russian shift towards Asia is based on the assumption that the long-term factor affecting the international situation will be strategic competition between China and United States, and that Asia in the near future will not be able to create of a coherent system of security. With this in mind, the Kremlin is trying to find a place for the realization of its vision of a new multipolar world order and actually is trying to play one state against another one. The leaders of Kremlin are of course aware of the shifting of the global economic balance of power towards Asia – Pacific, and they understand that Russia’s economic integration with the region has an essential importance for successful longterm development.
RU
В статье рассматривается вопрос недавних преобразований в области внешнеполитических приоритетов Российской Федерации. Автор показывает, так причины, как и допущения специальных и перспективных целей стратегии, что фактически означает отход от сотрудничества с Западом c одновременной интенсификацией отношений со странами Азии. Во многом этобыло следствием кризиса в отношениях с Западом, в связи с аннексией Крыма и конфликта на востоке Украины. Тем не менее, объясняя мотивы этой политики, русская сторона пыталась игнорировать истинное влияние украинского кризиса. В целом, эта новая национальная стратегия получила название Пoвoрoт на вocтoк. Эта стратегия должна стимулировать экономический рост, и в первую очередь играть роль одного из ключевых инструментов восстановления утраченные позиции России как мировой державы. В более широком смысле, русский сдвиг в сторону Азии основывается на предположении, что в долгосрочной перспективе фактором, оказывающим влияние на международную обстановку будет стратегическое соперничество между Китаем и Соединенными Штатами, и что Азия в ближайшее время не сможет создать когерентной системы безопасности. Имея это в виду, Кремль пытается найти место для реализации своего видения нового мирового порядка, и на самом деле пытается играть одно государство против другого. Лидеры Кремля, конечно, осведомлены о перекладывание баланса мировой экономической власти в сторону Азии – Тихого океана, и они понимают, что экономическая интеграция России с регионом имеет важность, необходимую для успешного долгосрочного развития.
EN
Switzerland is not a member of the European Union and does not belong to the European Economic Area (EEA). Nevertheless, the relation between Switzerland and the EU reached such a high intensity and extent of interconnections, that they are sometimes called integration without membership, quasi-membership in the EU, or privileged partnership. In practice there is a wide access of Switzerland to the EU internal market, the EU’s research and development programs, as well as membership of the Schengen Agreement and participation in European initiatives and trans-border cooperation. This is the result of the policy of bilateralism by Switzerland and the EU. The problem is that since 2008 one can clearly see there is in the relations between Switzerland and EU an obvious impasse and in fact the policy of bilateralism can’t be continued. The author of this article try to explain what are the risen and haw both Switzerland and EU trying to find the way out.
EN
Examining integration in the Asia-Pacific region, with emphasis on the most important currently-negotiated mega-regional trade agreements, such as the Transpacific Partnership (TPP), Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) or the Free Trade Area Asia Pacific (FTAAP), the text offers an economic and political analysis of the history and current status of the three projects aimed at lowering trade barriers across a much wider range of sectors than under classic preferential trade agreements. The new agreements are reviewed in a broad context of changes on the global scene, in particular the growing power of China, which has become a key force behind relationships in Asia and a challenge to the strategic and economic status quo, especially to the global supremacy of the United States. Outlining the history of the agreements, their key features and the motivations and actions of the main actors, the author concludes that there is indeed a competitive and mutually stimulating relationship between them.
EN
For many reasons, Singapore is an exceptional country, sometimes referred to as “a piece of the West in Asia”, a place where the West meets with the East or as “Asian Switzerland”. Currently, the city-state can boast of great achievements, including the status of a global metropolis – the center of business, trade, maritime and air transport, finance, arbitration and tourism. For a long time, it has been at the top positions in global economic rankings, including the GDP per capita. It remains one of the most competitive economies in the world. In 2015, the city-state celebrated the 50th anniversary of independence, which was an opportunity to recall the key role played by Lee Kuan Yew, the founder of independence, the current economic strength and significant position of Singapore in the international arena. The principle of an open economy, which Singapore has been following from the beginning, was a key strategy for the development of modern and competitive industries and leverage to raise Singapore’s living standards to the highest world level. In its short history, the city-state faced challenges as it is now facing new internal (the question of maintaining stability after the loss of leader and strategist, such as Lee Kuan Yew) and the external challenges (transformation of the global balance of power, accommodating China’s rise in power, a change in the paradigm of the American administration’s trade policy under President D. Trump). The aim of the article is to present these challenges that the Singaporeans – Government and Society – will have to solve in order to maintain economic growth, high standards of living and high international position in the post-Lee Kuan Yew era.
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