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EN
 I. The paper has been based on literature, on empirical data included in studies and reports in particular. The basic factors that determine the development and the present state of the prison system in the Polish. People's Republic have been indicated. The aim has been to consider the desirable directions of further transformations of the prison system which would guarantee its development according to the principles of humanism and the rule of law. This is important also because amendments are presently discussed' i.a. of the Code of Execution of Penalties.  II. Among the important factors that have determined the hitherto development of the prison system in the Polish People's Republic, the following have been mentioned.         1.Legal provisions in force, issued by authorities of different levels, and international documents which influence them to some degree. Attention has been drawn to the incoherence of legal provisions scattered in legal acts of various importance and the society's unacquaintance with them due to their not being published. Immediate tasks the authorities impose upon the machine of execution of penalty. Such activites are aimed at correcting the prison system and frequently have harmful effects (e.g. closing of secondary schools in the early seventies). Traditions of the prison system and the hitherto existing practice, particularly the one developed after World War II when a new political system was introduced in Poland. The traditions are both good and bad. Among the favourable ones, the estimation of the importance of education in the treatment of offenders can for instance be mentioned, among the bad ones-e.g. the tendency to use disciplinary methods of treatment or a certain isolation -of the prison system from the society.             4.Experiences of other countries, scientific views and conclusions from scientific research. The above-mentioned factors are  treated in a selective way, i.e. some experiences are chosen for practical application according to the penal policy fulfilled at the moment. III. Among the factors that characterize the present state of the prison system, the following should be mentioned: During the last thirty years, the average yearly number of prisoners was about 90 thousand. The number of the imprisoned persons in Poland I very large as compared with the respective numbers in other countries (if those where such data are published are taken into account). At the same time, it should also be mentioned that the numbers of prisoners in the postwar period were by 50% larger on the average as compared with those before 1939, and that there is overpopulation in prisons as a rule, i.e. the number of inmates is larger than tire prison capacity. This situation is the result of the penal policy which is too repressive according to scientists and which leads to sentencing a considerable part of offenders to long prison terms. Among the basic categories of prisoners in the Polish People's Republic, the following should be mentioned: first offenders (over 40% of the total number of prisoners on the average); recidivists (somewhat of the total number of prisoners on the average); recidivist (somewhat less than 40% on the average); young adults aged  under 20 (the group which has recently diminished: less than 10% of the total number of prisoners); women (less than 3%). It should also be mentioned that about 27% of all persons deprived of liberty in the recent years have been those remanded in custody. As regards other categories of prisoners, we lack precise, methodical information due to the lick of properly developed penitentiary diagnostics (this concerns e.g. prisoners-alcoholics, those with mental disorders etc.). However, there are estimations of the numbers of prisoners of these categories to be found in research studies. Moreover, also the material and organizational conditions in which the prison system functions are by no means good. Only a few prisons were built after the war. Many are old buildings, and some date from as long ago as the 18th century. They need repairs and modernization. In the country's present economic situation, development of the prison building cannot possibly be postulated. Irrespective of the lack of space in prisons, there are also other difficulties in providing the proper living conditions for the inmates. As far as the adequate basis for organization of the prisoners, leisure time is concerned, the state of prison libraries, and the universal radiophonic installations are favourable in comparison with the existing difficulties (lack of rooms and proper equipment). Also the prison. staff is an important element of the penitentiary system. The level of education of the staff keeps increasing. However the proportion of prisoners per one staff member is much less favourable than in many West-European countries. The basic means of penitentiary treatment in the Polish People’s Republic are: employment, education and cultural activities. For many years now, there has been nearly full employment of prisoners in Poland universal: the index of employment amounted to over 90% in the seventies and over 80% in the eighties. Among those not working, only a slight percentage were unemployed due to a lack of work. The reasons for being out of work were most frequently the so-called justified reasons such as e.g. poor health, awaiting transfer, etc. Among the employed prisoners, a considerable part were working in the conditions of freedom, outside prisons (in some years, there were over 45% of those who worked in these conditions). At the same time, the vast majority of them were employed against payment (over 8o%), though their wages were lower as a rule than those earned by outside workers in analogous professions. The weak points of the prisoners' The weak employment were: excessive trend towards its economization (i.e. gaining profits even at the cost of the resocializing treatment), and its insufficient use for the prisoners' better professional training and social readaptation. A considerable number of prisoners learn in elementary schools and in elementary vocational schools. Besides, a small number of prisoners learn 'in -secondary vocational schools and at various courses which, however, do not secure a certificate of a qualified worker as a rule. The results of the prisoners' education are most favourable if measured both by the marks at school and by the adjustment to living in the freedom conditions after release. All the studies carried out in Poland which took this problem into account show that the higher the education the prisoners have achieved, the less frequent their relapse into crime. However, the majority of prisoners who have had no profession fail to learn one during their prison sentence. The organization of the prisoners' leisure time has many faults: aside from reading books which are easily accessible, other forms were underdeveloped during the recent dozen or more years as compared with the needs, or revealed regress as compared with the sixties. IV. In the years 1980--1981, new factors emerged which favourably influenced the development of the prison system in Poland. Among them, the most marked trend towards a prison reform should be mentioned which was initiated by independent social movements, scientific centres and the prisoners them - selves (the surge of group protests and riots which on certain days inc1uded tens of thousands of inmates). In 1981, prison reform was started, among other things through the introduction of amendments into the so-called temporary prison rules (the most repressive provisions removed, such as those concerning the so-called fasting penalty or the absolute strict regime for recidivists), and through the admission by means of a separate legal act of universal accessibility of religious practices, including the admittance of chaplains into prisons. At the same time, the functioning of two associations was legalized the activity of which was to consist in coming to the prisoners' and their families' asistance. The associations started operating in l98l; however, they were suspended after the introduction of the martial law and then dissolved. At the same time, the campaign for social aid to prisoners convicted for acts committed or noncriminal motives was organized within the framework of charitable ministry of the Catholic Church. The problem of the prison reform is still a live issue in the Polish People's Republic; moreover, the reform is indispensable. However, its continuation will depend on the future general trends of the State’s policy.  V. In the present article, postulates have also been formulated concerning the future amendments of the Code of Execution of Penalties. Here the most important of them:        1. The  prisoners  rights and duties should be defined precisely and included in a statute instead of in                    statutory  instruments, thus making their informal changes impossible. It is necessary to introduce a separate status of offenders convicted for acts committed for ideological motives. It is indispensable to define in the legal provisions the minimum and untraversable standards of the prisoners material existence, and the index of the maximum capacity of prisons. It is desirable to abandon the formal classification of prisoners and the so-called regimes of execution of penalty the aim of which is first and foremost repression. Also the expansion of resocializing measures is important, as well as increase of the educational character of such penitentiary measures as e.g. employment. In order to give deprivation of liberty a more prosocial character, it is necessary to legalize and render possible the functioning of independent associations assisting the prisoners and their families.
EN
All the young adult prisoners (17-20 years old), discussed in this work were released in Poland in 1961. In that year from 40 prisons were released a total of 6,193 young adults, of whom 1,025 (16.5%) had previous convictions, while 5,168 (83.5%) had received prison sentences for the first time after having reached the age of 17. The basic object of these follow-up studies was to establish the frequency of recidivism among young adult offenders during the 10 years following their release from prison. The overwhelming majority (894) of those who had had previous convictions were subjects of research; a sample of 1,188 prisoners without previous convictions was taken at random. Data forming the basis for dividing young adult offenders into those with prior convictions and those without, did not take into account the period when they were not yet of age, with the exception of time spent in approved schools. This is most significant, since, as was found in juvenile courts of two cities ‒ Warsaw and Łódź – a considerable percentage of those investigated had already faced trial while still juveniles: this percentage amounted among those without previous conviction to 35%; among those with previous convictions ‒ to 56%. Though these data from big city centres cannot be extrapolated in relation to those of the total of the young people studied, who also come from small towns and villages, they are nevertheless significant. When examining the extent of recidivism during the 10-year period after release, it should be borne in mind that among those with previous convictions as well as among those without previous convictions there were some who were socially maladjusted already as children and adolescents (between 10 and 16). The number of previous convictions (including also detainment in approved schools) of young adults were as follows: 79% had been once convicted, 14% ‒ twice, and 4% ‒ three times or more (as concerning the remaining 3% no accurate data were available as to the number of previous convictions). Thus almost one-fifth of those with previous convictions had already before their release in 1961 faced trial at least three times. Data related to the domicile of those investigated before they were sent to prison (released in 1961) are as follows: ‒ 57% of those without previous convictions had urban domiciles, and 43% rural; ‒ 73% of those with previous conviction had urban domiciles and 27% ‒  rural; Among the cases studied, urban residents predominate, notably among those with previous convictions. Subsequent convictions of young adult offenders were checked twice ‒ in 1967 and 1972 on the basis of their criminal records, revealing all the convictions and each prison term. After the end of the l0-year follow-up period, the average age of those investigated with and without previous convictions amounted to 30 years. After the follow-up period ‒ ten years from the time of release from prison in 1961 ‒ frequency of recidivism among former young adult prisoners amounted to: (a) 82% of those with previous convictions were convicted anew; (b) 57% of those without previous convictions were convicted again. As regards this high percentage of recidivism, it should be borne in mind that the cases studied are not representative of the total of young adult offenders but only of those who have been sentenced to imprisonment by the courts and the fact, already mentioned, that a considerable percentage of the young adults studied were socially maladjusted from childhood. Since the ten-year follow-up period was very long, it was divided into two five-year periods: 1961-1966 and 1967-1972. It was found that a very large percentage of young adult offenders were convicted in both the first and the second five years: those without previous convictions ‒ 26%, those with prior convictions ‒ 46%. As regards those convicted in the first five-year period, they account only for 23% of those without and 19% of those with previous convictions. The corrresponding percentages for those convicted in the second fiveyear period only are: 11% and 12%. If we differentiate former young adult prisoners who had no court records and those who did have them in the first five-year period, but committed no offences in the second five-year period, we find that a total of 63% of young adult offenders without and 42% with previous convictions were not convicted again after having reached the age of approximately 22-25 years. Study of the extent of recidivism during the follow-up period showed that among offenders convicted during the two five-year periods there was a marked predominance of recidivists with multiple ‒ at least four ‒ convictions: they accounted for 65% of those without and 61% of those with previous convictions. But among those convicted in only one of the five-year periods there was a predominance of those with only one or two convictions. They accounted for 65% of the relevant category of former young adult prisoners. Research among urban inhabitants without previous convictions revealed markedly more frequent recidivism (75%) than among such living in rural areas (54%). Among the group with previous convictions, 87% of those living in urban areas became recidivists and as many as 77% of those living in rural areas. Thus there exists a substantial group among young adult prisoners living in the rural areas who display a distinct tendency towards recidivism; it was, however, impossible to establish whether those formerly living in rural areas may not during the follow-up period have lived or commuted to work in towns. A remarkable tendency to recidivism was observed not only among young adult offenders who in 1961 had been in prison, after having been convicted of theft of personal property (79% of the subsequent recidivists among those without and 85% of those with previous convictions), but also among those who were convicted of theft of social property (59% and 38%), for offences against the public officials and government offices (60% and 79%), and against life and health (46% and 75%). This seems to confirm the hypothesis that a substantial percentage of those convicted of such offences, are also individuals who suffered from serious social maladjustment at an early age. The results of the present work bear out the findings of various Polish as well as foreign publications to the effect that imprisonment of young adult offenders suffering from social maladjustment is of very little effect. In view of the marked probability that the majority of these young adult offenders revealed even in childhood symptoms of social maladjustment, it is clearly advisable that prophylaxis should concentrate primarily on taking precautions to avoid the appearance of social maladjustment in children and the young.
EN
This report devoted to presenting the probation system in Poland together with the duties performed by probation officers is made up of two chapters. In the first chapter all primary legal acts regulating the institutions of the probation officers were discussed, also with the functions they perform in the system of criminal justice. In the second chapter, results of research conducted in all court districts in Poland in 2002 were presented. Both, the analysis of legal regulations, as well as the research, have been conducted after the implementation of the basic reform in Poland, yet there is still a lot to be done organisation wise, i.e. enlarging the number of probation officers, improving their essential preparation as well as implementing modem and effective forms of activity.       In the first chapter, where the legal bases of probation officers are discussed, the most important legal acts were mentioned first. Their number is quite substantial, since in the nine laws there are regulations concerning the socio-legal status and duties of probation officers. In order to indicate the most significant of them the following cannot be omitted:       The Penal Code of 1997 which regulated matters concerned with probation officers performing a number of supervisory forms (including probation);       The Executive Penal Code of 1997 by means of which piobation officers were given a rank of one of the important organs responsible for executing punishments and means of punishment. These tasks have been extended in order to grant the probation officers: executing the punishment of restriction of liberty and substitutive penalty ‒ community service, and also certain duties have been precised concerned with executing the punishment of deprivation of liberty and providing the post penitentiary help.        The law on the organisation of law courts (dated from 2001) in which only few articles are devoted to probation. They are, however, immensely important because they helped to precise this system, constituting that probation officers are an autonomous organ operating within the judiciary system, meaning by that regional and district courts, towards which presidents of the law courts and judges occupy supervisory and controlling positions. Simultaneously, the professional and social character of the probation officer has been confirmed in that law.       Another very important legal act is the law of 1982 on the procedures in juvenile cases (with later changes, especially with a very thorough amendment of 2000) which regulates the use of probation (family courts) in cases of defining the supervisory methods or reformative for the juveniles.       Amongst the discussed laws one, from 2001, about the probation officers is of a special significance. This law has almost a pioneer character. It has been created by the Polish Parliament from the initiative of probation officers and with their considerable participation. While enacted from the beginning of 2002, it has normalised in a complex way the socio-professional status of probation officers and precisely settled the location, organisation and the duties ofthe probation service in the judiciary system.         In this report laws and obligations of probation officers have been discussed, together with their calling and prospects for promotion, as well as competence connected with performing duties foreseen in the law of probation officers, and other laws, especially in the Penal Code, the Executive Penal Code, Code of Penal Procedure and in the Civil Code.        The bills conceming the probation service and the persons of probation officers, are an additional documentation to the executive acts, to the regulations and orders of the court. In example we can mention one of the most significant regulations, created by the Minister of Justice in 2003, in matter of a detailed executing of the authorities and obligations of probation officers.        In the second chapter the activity of probation officers in 2002 has been presented, in the light of the research results. They were conducted by sending a questionnaire to all 40 court regions (all together 150 questionnaires, part of which has been filled in in groups). It needs to be stressed at this point that amongst the questions none of the issues which could be called stressful were taken up. The research included 50 different issues, amongst which the following should be discussed: - kinds and number of performed interviews by the probation officers during the time of criminal proceedings and later of executing, - executing of measures to examine a convicted offender in case of conditional discontinuance of legal penal proceedings, a conditional suspension of penalty execution, a conditional release from serving the full sentence, - the content of adjudged and executed guardianship, in other words what is the character of probation officers’ contacts and work with persons under their ward, - ęxecuting of penalty of imprisonment and community service, - activity in the area of executing the penalty of imprisonment, - the difficulties in the work of probation officers, - opinions of probation officers concerned with cooperation with social workers as well as in reference to the significance of specific purposes of penalty.        It is difficurt to summarise the research results. Therefore, only for the purpose of a small illustration, the following conclusions can be  mentioned: - probation officers' opinion about their insufficient number (there is about 2000 professional probation officers for adults) in order to be effective in the assigned roles, - the legal system seems to have achieved a desired state, - supervisions performed by probation officers do not comply with all the obligatory (i.e.- caring - job finding); however, the controlling functions over the sentenced under supervision seem to be accepted as satisfactory.
EN
The study is an analysis of research and teaching issues related to the penitentiary system. Reflection in this area includes various disciplines of knowledge such as law, criminology, sociology, psychiatry, psychology, pedagogy (especially social rehabilitation), medical knowledge, protection and security strategies, economics and management. The author, from the perspective of the indicated disciplines, analyzes the recent development of executive law and assesses scientific research conducted in our country.
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Rozbój i sprawcy rozboju

63%
EN
In the period immediately following the end robberies of the hostilities the number of recorded in polish police statistics was very high. In 1945 there were 26 471 robberies recorded, and 23 987 in 1946. As from 1947 onwards that number underwent a visible and considerable decrease, which found its expression in the figures of 10 231, 5224, 3018 and 2089 for the years 1947, 1948, 1949 and 1950 respectively. In later years, beginning with 1955, an increase in the number of robberies was once more recorded; that number reached the figure of 3185 in 1957. The coefficient of robberies (as per 100 000 of the inhabitants) amounted to 7.6 in 1954 and to 8.9 in 1958. The highest coefficients were recorded in the capital city of Warsaw, in Łódź, the second largest city in the country, in the voivodeship of Katowice and in the western voivodeships, consequently in industrial regions and areas with large numbers of inhabitants who had immigrated there from other parts of the country. While, in 1958, this coefficient for rural areas amounted to 4.6, in the cities and towns it was as high as 13.8, in cities of more than 200 000 inhabitants the same coefficient amounted to as much as 21.3. It ought to be noted that in the immediate post-war period, i.e. the years 1945 to 1946 the largest number of robberies were committed in rural areas, and a very big percentage of them consisted in armed robberies, committed by bands armed with firearms. By 1958 robberies committed arms in hand constituted a mere 10.4 per cent of the total number. The number of robberies involving manslaughter amounted to an average of 50 yearly in the years 1954 to 1958. Below we shall discuss the results of the examination of 302 judicial records concerning 474 perpetrators of robbery convicted in 1955; such examination has been undertaken in order to find out what robberies in recent period looked like and out of what kind of offenders their perpetrators were recruited. Investigation has comprised 63 per cent of all the persons convicted of robbery in 1955 by all the courts in the country; the rack of any selection in collecting such records allows us to treat the material collected as representative for robbery in Poland in this period. Our materials comprised 94.1 per cent of men and 5.9 per cent of women. 36.2 per cent of the perpetrators acted singly, 34.7 per cent of them - in twos, 17.3 per cent - in threes, and only 11.8 per cent in larger groups. 32,4 per cent of all the robberies were committed in the countryside, and 67.6 per cent of them - in the cities and towns, an overwhelming majority of them in cities of above 100 000 inhabitants. The perpetrators of robbery are, as a rule, young people: 69.5 per cent of those convicted of robbery were below 26 years of age. Only 13.2 per cent of the perpetrators were over 30. 78.3 per cent of the convicts lived in the cities and towns, 21.7 per cent of them - in the countryside; part of the offenders who now live in towns recruit from the rural population recently arrived in the towns. Part of the robberies in rural areas were perpetrated by persons recently living in towns, and who went to the country in order to perpetrate a robbery. Nearly all those convicted of robbery who lived in cities and towns figure in the records as workers (95.7 per cent of them), but 50 per cent of the perpetrators of robbery did not work in the period immediately preceding the commission of robbery. As far as the convicts who lived in the country are concerned, only 17.5 per cent of them have been recorded as farmers, while 77.7 per cent said they were workers. The percentage of non-working persons is high, as it amounts to 37.8 per cent. The perpetrators of robbery have had plenty of criminal experience behind them. In spite of the lack of complete data covering the period up to 17 years of age it appears that out of 474 perpetrators of robbery 320 had already committed at least one criminal offence in the past. The percentage of recidivism in this sense of the word consequently amounts to 67.5 per cent. The data concerning the criminal past of these 320 offenders present the following picture: 60.3 per cent of those convicted of robbery had committed one or two offences in the past, 20.6 per cent - three or four offences, 19.1 per cent - five or more offences. When we analyze the kinds of offences previously committed by the 320 recidivists, we are in a position  to select the following groups among them: a) 22.3 per cent of the recidivists had already committed robberies in the past, along with other offences, which, as a rule, were thefts; b) 42 per cent of the recidivists had committed only thefts in the past; c) 10.6 per cent of them committed mostly thefts, but also offences against authorities and offices, as weII as injury to the body (acting from hooligan motives); d) 14.8 per cent committed almost exclusively offences of a hooligan character; e) 10.8 per cent of the recidivists committed various other offenses, not previously enumerated. As can be seen from the above, the criminal past of the perpetrators of robbery is far from uniform, while with the majority dominate of the recidivists there, offences against property, nearly all of them thefts (74 per cent). A very large majority of the recidivists were town-dwellers (84.5 per cent), 58.6 per cent of the recidivists were under 26 years of age, but the share of recidivists among the perpetrators of robbery increases in the older age groups. Among the convicts aged from 26 to 30 years there were 70.7 per cent of recidivists, among those aged 31 to 40 years – 75.5 per cent of recidivists. Thus the majority of the older perpetrators of robbery consists of recidivists. Very essential are the differences which occur between the robberies committed in the towns and those committed in rural areas. A typical town robbery is perpetrated with the use of violence (86 per cent), which, as a rule, boils down to the aggressor beating up his victim. The place where robberies take place are, in 56 per cent of the cases, streets, squares and parks, in 12.4 per cent of the cases - suburban groves, fields while it only in exceptional cases that we have to do with assaults with the purpose of robbery at home (6.6 per cent), just like robberies of shops (7.1 per cent). On the other hand, robbery in the countryside is done with using violence (beating up) only in 46 per cent of the cases, and in 54 per cent of the cases with the use of threats, frequently supported with a show of weapons or mock-revolvers. The place where robberies are committed are roads, fields and forests in 52 per cent of the cases, and the dwelling or croft of the victim in 33 per cent. The value of the loss sustained by the victim did not exceed 500 zlotys in 37 per cent of the cases in towns and 30 per cent of the cases in the countryside. Robberies in which the victims sustained big losses exceeding 5000 zlotys amounted to only 7.1 per cent in the towns and to 22.6 per cent in the countryside. It should be added that in the robberies involving the use of violence (73 per cent of the total number of robberies) it was only in 22 per cent of the cases, both in town and country, that the victims sustained more serious bodily harm, which caused serious injury of the body. In the remaining cases we have to do with beating up, causing only sight injury of the body, or even merely an infringement of bodily inviolability. As for the towns, special attention is deserved by the numerous category of robberies on passers-by (55.4 per cent of the total) perpetrated, without any previous planning, in the streets, in the evening or at night, as a rule, by young men in a state of ebriety, 61 per cent of whom had already been punished by the law-courts previously. An interesting fact is that, in the towns, really only one-third of the robberies comprised by the material under investigation can be described as having previously planned and prepared. For, indeed, with, part of the robberies classified as the planned ones we have to do with offenders with whom the intention of committing offence has arisen in special circumstances, after having met a drunken individual in a restaurant. After thus striking acquaintance and, usually, a common consumption of alcohol such offenders entice their victim to some out-of-the-way place (frequently with the participation of women), where, after severely beating up their victim, they rob him of money, watch, etc. Among such offenders there is also a very large percentage of recidivists, as well as of young individuals who systematically abuse alcohol. Research on robbery brings to light the importance of the problem of young adult delinquents. 69.5 per cent of the perpetrators of robbery are below 25 years of age. The majority of them are recidivists who, in spite of their youth, mix with a criminal environment and refuse to do any work. The remaining ones, who constitute about 40 per cent of the total number, are to be sure, individuals not previously punished by the law-courts and seemingly leading a normal life, but highly demoralized, with a clearly hooligan attitude; all of them systematically abuse alcohol. With regard to such juvenile offenders it is indispensable to apply a special penitentiary policy, based on Borstal principles.
EN
Three follow-up studies were published, dealing with juvenile delinquents and young adult offenders, based on a random sample and material on: ‒ 100 boys charged with larcency, who during the period of the investigation in 1966 were barely 10-11 years old. This research concentrated in turn on all the 10-11 year-old boys charged with larcency and brought before a Juvenile Court in Warsaw; the follow-up period embraced 5 years; ‒ 358 former juveniles (10-16 years old) charged with theft in three districts of Warsaw and brought before a Juvenile Court in 1961-1962, whose further fate was investigated during the period when they were 17-20 years old and from among the same 243 former juveniles 13-16 years old, who in 1972 were already 24-27 years old; ‒ 17-20 year-old young adults released from 40 prisons throughout the country, after having served their sentences for various offences and whose subsequent recidivism was established during the course of 10 years from their release from prison in 1961. Two works, discussing the further recidivism of the juvenile delinquents, convicted for larcency obviously differ markedly regarding the age and follow-up period. The first work deals with the investigated up to the age of 15-16 only, the second also embraces the time when the former juveniles are already approximately 26 years old. However, both works unanimously emphasize the fundamental significance of early initiation of social maladjustment and demoralization for the prognosing of the rapidity and extent of recidivism. They stress the necessity to make use in practice as the only criterion for recidivism of juveniles, each new charge brought before a court and the number of times theft has been committed, being the subject of a given trial. Simultaneously these works reveal unanimously, that the majority of the juvenile delinquents charged with larcency, are brought up in families, which are unable to guarantee them the proper conditions for normal development and that in these families also many brothers of the juvenile delinquents charged with larcency revealed symptoms of social maladjustment and committed offences. The results of the studies under discussion also are unanimous as to the fact that with the majority of the juveniles could be found personality disorders. The material under discussion deserves special attention as regards the juvenile delinquents of the younger age groups. It is of great significance that many of the investigated 10‒11-year-olds charged with larcency committed theft already before. Long years of research, conducted by the Department of Criminology, Institute of Legal Sciences, Polish Academy of Sciences, testify to the fact that the majority of the juvenile delinquents charged with larcency and brought before Juvenile Courts are boys who already previously committed larcency more than once. Disturbance of the socialization process with these juveniles, usually reaches back to their early childhood, requires early discovery and interference at the earliest possible time in the form of surrounding the parents, brothers and sisters of the juvenile delinquent with care and also of controlling them. The results yielded by follow-up studies of the recidivism during a period of 10 years of the 17-20 year-old young adult offenders, released from prison in 1961, concentrate on young people whose recidivism is undoubtedly connected with serious social maladjustment already during their juvenility. Obviously one cannot identify these young adults released from prison with all the 17‒20-year-old young adults convicted by courts who received various sentences. The results of the follow-up studies of the young adult prisoners should contribute to the initiation of systematic, individual research regarding young adults convicted and receiving various prison terms and to the change of certain guiding lines of the penal and penitentiary policy in regard to young adult offenders.
PL
Publikacja posiada następującą strukturę: Wstęp I. Ewa Żabczyńska: Dalsze losy 100 chłopców mających sprawy o kradzieże w wieku 10-11 lat II. Adam Strzembosz: Rozmiary recydywy u nieletnich podsądnych sprawców krażeży III. Teodor Szymanowski: Rozmiary recydywy u młodocianych więźniów po upływie 10 lat od ich zwolnienia z zakładów karnych
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