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PL
Spisy traktowane są jako jedno z najważniejszych źródeł informacji statystycznej, bowiem należą do podstawowych, tzw. pełnych przekaźników wiedzy o społeczeństwie i jego cechach zespołowych, demograficznych oraz społeczno-ekonomicznych. Celem artykułu jest zatem krytyczne przedstawienie najważniejszych informacji pozyskanych na temat osób niepełnoprawnych w Narodowym Spisie Powszechnym Ludności i Mieszkań z 2011 r., odnoszących się nie tylko do liczby, rodzajów niepełnosprawności, ale i głównych charakterystyk społeczno-demograficznych. Na wyniki spisu z 2011 r. trzeba było bardzo długo czekać (nadal czeka się – brak m.in. informacji o rodzinach) i okazało się, że te publikowane są niepełne oraz ciągle jeszcze przetwarzane i, co znamienne, nie dotyczą ogółu osób niepełnosprawnych. Długi czas oczekiwania na dane wynika z prowadzenia badań tzw. metodą mieszaną i związanych z tym trudności w scaleniu różnych zbiorów danych. Ponadto, zgodnie z ustawą z dnia 4 marca 2010 r. o narodowym spisie powszechnym ludności i mieszkań w 2011 r., udzielanie odpowiedzi na pytania dotyczące niepełnosprawności odbywało się na zasadzie dobrowolności – ze względu na specyfikę i wrażliwość tematu. Tak więc, według informacji GUS, prawie 1,5 mln osób odmówiło udzielenia odpowiedzi. Wystąpiły poważne braki w odpowiedziach (ok. 1 940,2 tys.). GUS zapowiedział, iż nadal będą prowadzone pogłębione analizy, których celem będzie zmniejszenie liczby brakujących odpowiedzi, jednak liczba odmów nie ulegnie zmianie. Spis pokazuje wobec tego zaniżone odsetki osób niepełnosprawnych w relacji do ogólnej liczby ludności. Słowa kluczowe: spis powszechny, niepełnosprawność, rodzaje niepełnosprawności, cechy demograficzno-społeczne niepełnosprawnych
EN
Censuses are treated as one of the major sources of statistical information, as part of the core, so-called full relays of the knowledge about the society and its common, demographic and socio-economic features. The purpose of this article is therefore critical presentation of the most important information gained about persons with disabilities in the National Census of Population and Housing, 2011, relating not only to the number, types of disabilities, but the main socio-demographic characteristics as well. We had to wait for a long time for the results of the 2011 census (and we are still waiting – there are some missing data including information about families) and we found that ones that are published are incomplete and still being processed and, what significantly, they do not concern all persons with disabilities. Long waiting time for data results from the research condacted by so-called mixed method, and the related difficulties in merging the different data sets. Furthermore, in accordance with the Law of M arch, 4, 2010 on the national census of population and housing in 2011, responsing to the questions on disability was carried out on a voluntary basis – due to the specificity and sensitivity of the subject. Thus, according to Central Statistical Office (GUS), nearly 1.5 million people refused to give the answer. There were serious deficiencies in the responses (approximately 1 940,2 thous.). GUS announced that in-depth analysis which will aim to reduce the number of missing responses, will be continued, but the number of denials will not change. Therefore, the census shows underestimated percentages of persons with disabilities in relation to the total population.
EN
The article takes up the issue of the gender-related specifics of the labour market in Po-land. It is only recently that women, their participation and role in the migration processes have become the subject of widespread research interest. One of the reasons is the growing demand for the work of migrants in the care sector - in the context of the ageing of developed societies. Care-related needs generate mobility of women from less affluent countries, and this phenomenon applies also to Poland. On the one hand, Polish women travel abroad to look after children, the elderly and the sick in Germany or Italy; on the other hand, women from Ukraine, Byelorussia or Russia pour into the largest Polish cities. This is a chance for ensuring a chance of education to their children. This allows higher- and middle-class women to reconcile professional and family roles, and at the same time supports the existing social and institutional order. The research points out the characteristic features of work in the household service sector. They include low wages, short contracts, and in many cases even employment inconsistent with the labour law in force, and not infrequently exploitation and humilitation. Instead of prestige, such work generates uncertainty, there are practically no chances of pro-motion. The irregular status of female migrants is an obstacle to use the offered form of sup-port and increases the threat of social exclusion.
EN
Poland has been becoming a migrant country over the past years, experiencing recently increased visibility of migrant children at schools. At the same time, the issue of their support and integration remains on the margin of educational policy and depends on the activity of local authorities and, above all, of school head-teachers and teachers. Drawing on the qualitative study carried out in 2020 within the project CHILD-UP Children Hybrid Integration: Learning Dialogue as a way of Upgrading Policies of Participation (Horizon 2020) in schools in Kraków and South-East Poland (where one of the centres for foreigners is located), this article comprises a discussion on the extent to which Polish schools are ready to accept migrant (including refugee) children, to enhance their agency and support integration processes. Therefore, it raises a question whether schools are able to effectively support migrant children linguistically as well as help them enter into peer groups in the course of their educational activities.
EN
Polish culture is strongly linked to both nuclear family and family networks, which are believed to safeguard stability and sense of security for individuals and communities. The migrations of young Polish men and women, which often scope to entire families, significantly alter the fundamentals of the above guarantees. The migration of Polish youth changes social expectations, possibilities of a family existing in an unchanged form, as well as provisions of care to those who need it, primarily children and elderly members of the kinship structure. For families affected by temporary migrations and experiencing increasingly settlement-oriented mobility, being “on the move” becomes “a way of life,” in which periods of “togetherness” are intertwined with much longer phases of separation. The practices and strategies employed by migrants in the hopes of overcoming the aforementioned challenges require thorough analysis. Therefore, a main goal of our article is to focus on multi-dimensional consequences of migration that pertain to the changes of ties and relationships in families, as well as the organization of child and elderly care.
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