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EN
The article is chronologically set against the dramatic events of the modern history of Poland. It begins with the political breakthrough of October 1956, marking the end of Stalinism in Poland, represented by the return to power of Władysław Gomułka, and culminates in the workers protests of June 1976 brought about by price increases. As a result of the protests, an opposition movement was established. Although not considered legal by the authorities, it was organized in nature and openly active. This period of Polish history remains insuffi ciently investigated despite undoubted progress in research. Is it justifi ed to distinguish the 1956–1976 period and, if so, what would be its specific features? Historians widely agree that a majority of classically totalitarian characteristics were apparent in Poland during the Stalinist period (1944–1956). The system which followed should be described more precisely as being an authoritarian regime, even though the intention until 1989 was to create a truly totalitarian state in Poland. This is confi rmed by the scale and nature of the invigilation of society. The importance of the breakthrough of 1956 has been discussed on more than one occasion. The communist system which had been gaining strength up to that date began to weaken, with some analysts believing that this was the beginning of its 30-year long torment. The scale of the events of October 1956 may be viewed through the changes seen (the spontaneous de-collectivization of agriculture, the signifi cant improvement in Church - State relations, the reduction of terror in public life, greater engagement with the outside world, and increased independence in Soviet policy), as well as through what remained unchanged (the legal system, the constitution, the economy). The fact is, however, that Poland did not cease to be a police state under dictatorial rule. The above may also be said to be true of the period after December 1970, when Edward Gierek replaced Władysław Gomułka as the 1st Secretary of the KC PZPR (Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party). Again, the system did not undergo signifi cant change, although the improvements (as seen by society) continued, to some extent, both after 1956 and 1970. The political changes were accompanied by economic enlivenment and an improvement in the quality of life.
Zapiski Historyczne
|
2020
|
vol. 85
|
issue 4
5-24
EN
What is commonly referred to in Poland as ‘December 1970’ was one of the most important and most tragic moments in the history of this country after the Second World War. Then, a violent suppression of workers’ revolts in several Polish cities on the Baltic coast, by the Citizens’ Militia and the army, and the subsequent changes in the leadership of the Polish United Workers’ Party took place. After fourteen years in power, the First Secretary of the Central Committee, Władysław Gomułka, was replaced by the former member of the Politburo and also the First Secretary of the Voivodship Committee in Katowice, Edward Gierek. The military operations on the Polish coast, alongside the Citizens’ Militia, involved some 27,000 soldiers and 550 tanks, 750 armoured carriers and 2,100 cars. Also, 108 aircraft and helicopters, as well as 40 vessels of the Polish Navy were deployed. Apart from the period of martial law (1981–1983), never during peacetime has the Polish Army been put on standby on such a scale and used to such an extent to pacify the society. According to official data, a total of 45 people were killed and 1,165 wounded on the Baltic coast. Although over 80 books and brochures have already been published on ‘December 1970’, we still do not know the answers to all the questions. The role played by the Soviet authorities at that time has been researched the least. However, without free access to the post-Soviet archives stored in Russia, which seems hardly possible in the near future, it will be difficult to make new findings on this issue.
PL
Władysław Gomułka was the Polish communist leader who, most probably, played the most important role in the history of Poland. In the years 1943–48 he was the Secretary of the Polish Workers’ Party, and next, from 1956 to 1970, the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party. According to the rule ‘the more power the more responsibility’, which had particular significance in non-democratic systems, Gomułka was responsible or co-responsible for everything good but also for everything bad that happened in Poland during his rule. At the same time he is this Polish communist leader, on whose life and activity over twenty books were published. One of the recent ones was published by Anita Prażmowska. Unfortunately, this is not a successful attempt.
PL
The intention of this article is to consider, and attempt to resolve questions whether and to what degree the laicization policy and atheization campaign conducted by communists in Poland after the Second World War contributed to the de-Christianization of Polish society, a process observed also in other European countries.
EN
The first twenty-five years of the Third Polish Republic saw only a few – well or not so well written – monographs devoted solely to important and significant political figures of that time. Monographs with their clear structure – a description of a person’s life from birth to death – are preferred choice of researchers as well as the wider audience of history lovers. These books feature a person against the historical background of a particular epoch and it is therefore essential to keep the right proportions between a personal story and the historical background. Finally, – and in my opinion this is probably most important – distinguished individuals, who in general feature as the main characters of biographies, grasp readers’ attention because the question whether it is an individual who shapes the reality or rather the rather way round, always remains valid. Without biographies then, it would probably be impossible to explain certain issues, phenomena and events.
PL
People’s Republic of Poland – a Sketch for Reflections about the Laicization of the StateThe intention of this text was to ponder on, and attempt to resolve questions whether and to what degree did the laicization policy and atheization campaign conducted by successive political teams in Poland after the Second World War contribute to and accelerate the Dechristianization of Polish society, a process discernible also in other Europe states. What factors (political, social, economic, cultural, etc.) favoured such processes and what sort delayed or outright hampered them? What was the role performed by the Polish Episcopate and its long-term head – Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński, the Primate of Poland, who intentionally did not hasten the transference onto Polish ground of the accomplishments of the Second Vatican Council? Another significant issue involved the character and intensity of the processes in question. Did they contribute to the modernization of the state and society or, on the contrary, did they conserve their former structure?The author paid considerable attention to the mutual Church–state relations in communist-ruled Poland. It cannot be said that at any time during this period did they resemble those between partners, albeit they indubitably evolved. Such transformations were the consequence of both the internal situation and changes transpiring on the international arena. The foremost premise of all vicissitudes affecting the relations between the Church and the state in post-war Poland (the election of Cardinal Karol Wojtyła as Pope, 1978) possessed both domestic and international dimensions.
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