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1

„Kwestia ukraińska” w myśli politycznej Mariana Ursyna Zdziechowskiego (1918–1939)

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Marszał M.
Wrocławsko-Lwowskie Zeszyty Prawnicze
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2014
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vol. 5
29 - 48
EN
The issue of creation of good neighborly political relations with the nations belonging to the newly born in 1918 independent Republic of Poland were among the pressing problems of early Polish eastern policy. In the group of Polish intellectuals there were university professors, who often stressed the need good neighborly relations in this part of Europe. One of the propagators of the Central and Eastern European agreement was professor and rector of the Stefan Batory University in Vilnius Marian Ursyn Zdziechowski (1861–1938). The political thought of Marian Zdziechowski on the Ukrainian issue was characterized as harmony with the eastern national minority. It remained in line with the general political formula of Polish conservatives and their political postulates concerning the eastern policy of Poland. It is worth noting that Zdziechowski the unlike his conservative colleagues, such as Bocheński brothers, Jan Stanisław Łoś and many others, had an unusually realistic view on the issue of treatment of the Ukrainian minority. He was far from fanatical optimism of Polish-Ukrainian reconciliation, but even further from the nationalistic politics enlarged by the National Democracy, which assumed mass polonization of the Ukrainians. Zdziechowski’s program can be included in the concept of assimilation of the Ukrainians with simultaneous respect for their rights. His views were more akin to the postulates of Polish socialists, such as Leon Wasilewski and Tadeusz Hołówko, than to his native conservative views.
2

Stosunki polityczne faszystowskich Włoch z Trzecią Rzeszą w opinii polskich elit politycznych w latach 1933–1939

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Marszał M.
Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem
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2012
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vol. 34
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issue 1
127-151
EN
The seizure of political power by Adolf Hitler in Germany on the 30th of January 1933 caused significant changes in the structure of political relations in Europe. On the continental map there appeared a new state with revisionist and imperialistic aspirations. The Italian Fascists carefully ob­served the social-and-political transformation happening in the Weimar Republic. It should be noted that after the First World War both countries felt aggrieved and deprived of their dignity. In Italy there was a feeling of ”crippled victory;” in Germany there was a sense of deep frustration caused by the loss of Eastern and Western territories and by the decrease in the state’s international prestige. This shared belief concerning alleged common injustice resulting from the decision of the Allied states made during the Paris peace conference could have led to the rapprochement between both governments on the international arena. There was an increasing fear among many representatives of Polish political thought regarding the growing Italian-German closeness. There also abounded many speculations concerning political and military connections between both countries. The pur­pose of this article is to demonstrate the views of Polish political elites regarding the relations be­tween the Fascist Italy and the Third Reich. It ought to be stated that at the beginning of the Third Reich’s existence many Polish commentators, particularly those belonging to the Nationalist circles, perceived in the Italian-German rivalry an opportunity for maintaining the European equilibrium and for the rapprochement with Mussolini’s government. Along with the intensified strengthening of political ties between Rome and Berlin, Polish politicians became more and more skeptical about the prospects for peace in Europe and the world. Right before the outbreak of the Second World War only the National-and-Democratic politicians, with Stanislaw Kozicki at the forefront, appealed to “Italian friends” for help in defending Poland against German Drang nach Osten. Other Polish pol­itical parties and organizations had no illusions with respect to the political and military objectives of both the Fascist and the Nazi imperialism.
3

Komunizm w poglądach Antoniego Kwiatkowskiego (1920–1939)

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Marszał M.
Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem
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2014
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vol. 36
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issue 2
87 - 100
EN
Research into the communist doctrine has had its tradition in Poland. Polish Soviet studies schools in the Second Republic were the first academic centres to study the state, law, government and culture under Bolshevik rule. Some of these schools tackled the problem of communism in its socio-economic aspect (e.g. Socio-Economic Institute in Warsaw headed by Ludwik Kulczycki), international aspect (Academic Research Institute of Eastern Europe in Vilnius founded by Prof. Stefan Ehrenkreutz and Eastern Institute in Warsaw organised by Włodzimierz Warkan) or national aspect (Nationalities Research Institute in Warsaw headed by Stanisław Thugutt). There were also academic centres studying communism in its ideological and political aspects. They include the Communism Research Institute in Warsaw headed by Rev. Antoni Kwiatkowski (pseudonym: Antoni Starodworski). The author of the article focuses on the political thought of one of the first commentators and analysts of Russian communism in the inter-war period, Rev. Antoni Kwiatkowski (1890–1970). In particular, he presents Rev. Kwiatkowski’s views on problems relating to socio-economic relations, religious persecution and propaganda of Bolshevik Russia. This last aspect was the most important in the research conducted by Rev. Kwiatkowski, who assumed that the Bolsheviks’ “book and press front” took the form of fully-fledged propaganda regarded by him as a“psychospheric” phenomenon, successfully influencing the masses. He claimed that the printed word in the Marxist ideology was aform of “psychospheric electron,” which was part of communism’s complete “psychosphere.” According to the present author, the research carried out by the pioneer of Polish Soviet studies had aconsiderable impact on the understanding of the essence of communism as well as political ideas promoted by its followers.
4
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Polska myśl konserwatywna wobec „kwestii ukraińskiej” w okresie międzywojennym

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Marszał M.
Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne
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2014
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vol. XCI (91)/1
87-101
EN
The Second Polish Republic faced many problems, one of them was the nationality issue. One of the main problems was the so-called “Ukrainian issue”. It is worth noting that Polish politicians often searched for the solutions, which were aimed to create conditions for peaceful coexistence of different nations, living in one country. Conservatives were among those politicians. The position of Polish conservatives to the issue of an agreement with the Ukrainian people can be called conciliating. They repeatedly clamored bout honoring of rights and cultural equality for Ukrainians. After World War II concepts developed by conservatives found their followers and supporters among Polish emigration. Both the founder of the Parisian “Kultura”, Jerzy Giedroyc and his colleague, also a major thinkers of the postwar Polish political thought Julius Mieroszewski continued intellectual heritage of the Polish political elite.
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Włoski faszyzm w interpretacjach polskich socjalistów (1922–1939)

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Marszał M.
Studia nad Faszyzmem i Zbrodniami Hitlerowskimi
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2011
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vol. 33
99-119
EN
During the interwar period in the European states, the Apeninian Peninsula raised a particular interest among the continent’s inhabitants. It was a target of a well-developed tourist movement which was reinforced by religious and scientifi c-and-cultural motivations. For many intellectuals of various political persuasions, Italy — with its both ancient and Christian traditions — provided important mental stimuli. Apart from these elements, one additional significant factor appeared after 1922: the fascination and concern caused by the emergence of a new and previously unknown anywhere political phenomenon i.e. Italian Fascism. Polish publicists, politicians and lawyers also did not hesitate to offer their opinions on the shaping of Fascism in Italy. Moreover, in the Polish political, lawyerly and journalistic debate during the interwar period there appeared many — oftentimes quite penetrating and original — works interpreting both the ideology of Benito Mussolini and the practical operation of the system created by Il Duce. Among numerous political and legal interpretations of Italian Fascism, there also appeared studies and analyses made by Polish socialists who repeatedly vocalized their views on the issue in the press. The subject of this paper is the presentation of the opinions of Polish intellectuals of socialist provenance on the new political and social-andeconomic system introduced in Italy by Benito Mussolini. Describing the attitude of Polish socialists towards Italian Fascism, it has to be concluded that it was far more critical than the one exhibited by other political parties in the Second Polish Republic (with the exception of communists). From the beginning Polish socialist movement considered Mussolini’s project as contradictory to democratic and parliamentarian principles and exhibiting clear ideological anti-socialist undertones. It is worth underlining that many of these interpretations — for instance the one proposed by Aleksander Hertz — were similar to the judgments made by the post-war researchers of totalitarianism.
6
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Reception of the Idea of “Social Contract” of Jean-Jacques Rousseau in Polish Political Thought During Interwar Period

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Marszał M.
Studia Iuridica Lublinensia
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2016
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vol. 25
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issue 3
EN
The theory of Jean-Jacques Rousseau during interwar period was the spur to many thoughts concerning the state and the role it played in social life. In the Second Polish Republic, the representatives of Polish legal and political thought developed a number of political, social and economic concepts. The group of architects of Polish constitutional order first of all included lawyers, which have expressed their views about young Polish Republic in many commentaries. Polish legal thought of the interwar period had its excellent creators, whose ideas certainly matched the ideas of Western lawyers. Often Polish professors of law, in the discussion about the shape of the political system of the independent Polish Republic, referred to the theory of the French critic of Enlightenment and the representative of bourgeois radicalism J. J. Rousseau. The main representative of the Polish legal thought, who used the idea of “social contract” of Rousseau, was the creator of a conception of “democratic Caesarism”, professor and rector of the Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań Antoni Peretiatkowicz, whose reflections were an original contribution to legal thought of the Second Polish Republic. His ideas about state regime, which were based on the theory of Jean Jacques Rousseau and especially on the idea of “democratic Caesarism”, had a profound impact on the development of Polish ideas about totalitarian and authoritarian states.
PL
Teoria Jeana-Jacquesa Rousseau w okresie międzywojennym stanowiła powód wielu przemyśleń na temat, czym jest państwo i jaka rolę odgrywa w życiu społecznym. W II Rzeczypospolitej przedstawiciele polskiej myśli prawno-politycznej wypracowali szereg koncepcji politycznych, społecznych i gospodarczych. Do grona licznych architektów polskiego ładu konstytucyjnego należy zaliczyć przede wszystkim prawników, którzy w wielu komentarzach wyrażali swój pogląd na funkcjonowanie młodej polskiej republiki. Polska myśl prawna okresu międzywojennego miała doskonałych twórców, których koncepcje z pewnością dorównywały pomysłom prawników zachodnioeuropejskich. Niejednokrotnie polscy profesorowie prawa w dyskusji nad kształtem ustrojowym niepodległej Rzeczypospolitej powoływali się na teorię francuskiego krytyka oświecenia i przedstawiciela radykalizmu mieszczańskiego Jeana-Jacquesa Rousseau. Do głównych przedstawicieli polskiej myśli prawnej, którzy recypowali ideę „umowy społecznej” Rousseau, należy zaliczyć twórcę koncepcji „cezaryzmu demokratycznego”, profesora i rektora Uniwersytetu Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu Antoniego Peretiatkowicza, którego rozważania stanowiły oryginalny wkład do myśli prawnej II Rzeczypospolitej. Jego koncepcje ustrojowe, oparte na recepcji teorii Rousseau, a zwłaszcza idea „cezaryzmu demokratycznego”, wywarły duży wpływ na kształtowanie się polskich wyobrażeń na temat państw totalitarnych i autorytarnych.
7
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Przyczynek do dyskusji nad faszystowskim prawem gospodarczym

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Marszał M.
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio G (Ius)
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2019
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vol. 66
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issue 1
EN
Italian fascism was not limited only to political issues, but it also covered important socio-economic problems. The basic element of Italian political doctrine was corporatism, which had a decisive influence on the shape of Italian legislation process in the field of constitutional, administrative, tax, commercial, labor and social security law. Corporate solutions created relations of the individual towards nation and citizen towards the state. From one point of view, the fascist socio-economical program denied the liberal free trade economy, but from the other, it was a counterbalance for a developing social ideology of class conflict, which was proclaimed by the socialists and communists. The idea of fascist corporatism in Italy gave a vision of social peace. It also improved the functioning of the government by subordination of trade unions to the state and by suppressing social divisions on the employer – employee line. The purpose of this study was to present fascist commercial law and it’s importance for economic policy of Mussolini state. The basic legal acts from the period of 1922 till 1939, which are related to fascist economy, were analyzed.
PL
Włoski faszyzm nie ograniczał się tylko do postulatów politycznych, lecz także podejmował ważne problemy społeczno-gospodarcze. Elementem konstytutywnym włoskiej doktryny był korporacjonizm, który miał decydujący wpływ na kształt włoskiego ustawodawstwa dotyczącego prawa konstytucyjnego, administracyjnego, podatkowego, gospodarczego, a także prawa pracy i ubezpieczeń społecznych. Korporacyjne rozwiązania kreowały stosunek jednostki wobec narodu, obywatela wobec państwa. Faszystowski program gospodarczo-społeczny stanowił z jednej strony zaprzeczenie liberalnej gospodarki wolnorynkowej, a z drugiej przeciwwagę dla zdobywającej poklask społeczny ideologii walki klas głoszonej przez socjalistów i komunistów. Idea faszystowskiego korporacjonizmu we Włoszech dawała wizję pokoju społecznego i perspektywę usprawnienia państwa przez podporządkowanie związków zawodowych państwu oraz tłumiła podziały społeczne na linii pracodawca – pracownik. Przedmiotem artykułu było przedstawienie faszystowskiego ustawodawstwa gospodarczego i jego znaczenia dla polityki ekonomicznej państwa Mussoliniego. Przeanalizowano podstawowe akty prawne z lat 1922–1939 dotyczące faszystowskiej gospodarki.
8
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Powstanie państwa polskiego w 1918 r. we wspomnieniach dyplomaty Jana Stanisława Łosia

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Marszał M.
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio G (Ius)
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2019
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vol. 66
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issue 2
EN
The article is about the establishment of the Polish state in the memories of a Polish diplomat, historian, politician and journalist associated with the conservative community Jan Stanisław Łoś (1890–1974). He presented an interesting interpretation of regaining independence by Poland, which he called the “outbreak of Poland”. According to him, Poland “broke out” because it was created spontaneously, unplanned, uncontrolled by anyone. Independence was the result of the Polish national instinct, which spontaneously ordered the Poles to unite and to be independent. The article describes the first days of independence in Lublin, which in November 1918 was the headquarter of the Polish Provisional Government. The Polish diplomat and public official witnessed those events, which accompanied the revival of the independent Polish Republic. J.S. Łoś provided unknown facts and events, which is why his memoirs, written in 1970s, can be considered as a historical source.
PL
Przedmiotem artykułu jest powstanie państwa polskiego we wspomnieniach polskiego dyplomaty, historyka, polityka i publicysty związanego ze środowiskiem konserwatywnym – Jana Stanisława Łosia (1890–1974). Przedstawił on interesującą interpretację odzyskania przez Polskę niepodległości, którą nazwał „wybuchem Polski”. Według niego Polska „wybuchła”, ponieważ powstała spontanicznie, w sposób niezaplanowany, przez nikogo niekontrolowany. Niepodległość była wynikiem polskiego instynktu narodowego, który spontanicznie nakazał Polakom zjednoczyć się i być niepodległymi. W artykule opisano pierwsze dni niepodległości w Lublinie, który był w listopadzie 1918 r. siedzibą Tymczasowego Rządu Polskiego. Polski dyplomata i urzędnik państwowy był świadkiem bezpośrednich wydarzeń towarzyszących odrodzeniu niepodległej Rzeczypospolitej. J.S. Łoś podał nieznane fakty i wydarzenia, dlatego jego pamiętniki, pisane w latach 70. XX w., można uważać za źródło historyczne.
9
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Postępowanie habilitacyjne dra Łukasza Machaja

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Marszał M.
Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne
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2012
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vol. 64
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issue 2
554-554
PL
Postępowanie habilitacyjne dra Łukasza Machaja
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Grzegorz Ławnikowicz, Między koniecznością państwa a pochwałą autorytaryzmu. Koncepcja państwa społecznego Wacława Makowskiego, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej, Lublin 2014, ss. 454.

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Marszał M.
Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne
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2015
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vol. 67
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issue 1
399-403
11

Ukraina w myśli politycznej Jerzego Giedroycia

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Marszał M., Srokosz J.
Wrocławsko-Lwowskie Zeszyty Prawnicze
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2012
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vol. 3
55-79
EN
The paper presents views of Jerzy Giedroyc editor-in-chief of “Kultura” (most influential Polish-émigré literary-political journal after 1945) on the issue of Poland-Ukraine relations. From the very onset of “Kultura” in 1947 Giedroyc strongly advocates dialogue between Poland and Ukraine as a mean to achieve reconciliation between these nations. Recognition of Polish eastern border of 1945 as final, clarification of difficult past, support of Ukrainian drive to independence and wide cultural cooperation between two countries formed the pil­lar of his views. In Soviet times Gidroyc postulates the concept of federation between Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania and Belarus (ULB). Its raison d’être was to guarantee independence from both Russia and Germany. After Ukraine’s independence in 1991 Giedroyc departed from the idea of federation and turn to advocate the alliance and close Polish-Ukrainian cooperation. Giedroyc seen the role of Poland as a main link between Ukraine and Western Europe and a supporter of Ukraine independence from Russia.
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