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EN
Throughout the entire existence of the regime the foreign policy of Communist Czechoslovakia was linked to the foreign policy of the USSR, which it copied, supported and potentially developed roughly until 1987–1988, although at a different intensity. In specific relation to the policy of the Third Republic, Prague communist diplomacy focused not only on confirmation of the legal (and naturally also political) nullity of the Munich Agreement and its consequences, but, on a broader scale, also on the definitive international-legal acknowledgement of a status quo, created as a result of the Potsdam Agreement.
EN
The First World War redrew the map of the European powers’ overseas possessions in Africa. European powers, in particular Great Britain, France and Italy especially, aspired for the “consolidation” or expansion of their colonial territories, although the changing international situation meant they could not simply annex such territories. American President W Wilson and some of his advisors, British liberals and socialists and other intellectual circles supported at least a partial internationalisation of colonial issues. The creation of a new international institution, the League of Nations, led to the genesis of the idea of so-called mandates over some of the colonial possessions in Africa, in particular the former German colonies which were shared between Great Britain, France and also the Union of South Africa and Belgium. The mandate system in Africa was definitively completed in 1922, although as more recent research has shown, it represented more of a modified version of the original European colonialism.
DE
Der erste Weltkrieg bedeutet – mit der Verkündung des britischen Protektorats über Ägypten 1914 und der schrittweisen Eroberung aller deutschen Kolonien durch die Alliierten in den Jahren 1914–1917 – ein erneutes Umzeichnen der Karte der Überseebesitzungen der europäischen Mächte in Afrika. Die europäischen Großmächte, unter ihnen insbesondere Großbritannien, Frankreich und vor allem Italien, strebten nach einer „Zusammenlegung“ oder Vergrößerung ihrer kolonialen Gebiete, konnten diese Territorien jedoch mit Rücksicht auf das sich ändernde internationale Klima nicht einfach annektieren. Der amerikanische Präsident W. Wilson und ein Teil seiner Berater, die britischen Liberalen und Sozialisten sowie weitere intellektuelle Kreise traten für eine zumindest teilweise Internationalisierung der Kolonialangelegenheiten ein, deren Grund auch die Grausamkeit der deutschen Politik auf den Berlin untergeordneten Gebieten war. So entstand in Zusammenhang mit der Konstruktion einer neuen internationalen Institution, des Völkerbunds, auch der Gedanke sog. Mandate über einen Teil des Kolonialbesitzes, in Afrika vor allem der ehemaligen deutschen Kolonien, die sich Großbritannien, Frankreich und auch die Südafrikanische Union und Belgien teilten. Einige europäische Großmächte, insbesondere Italien, versuchten mit Geheimgesprächen in Paris, eine Erweiterung ihrer eigenen Imperien zu erreichen, diese Art der Neuverteilung Afrikas wurde jedoch in den Jahren 1919–1920 faktisch eine Randerscheinung, u. a. auch aufgrund der aufeinanderstoßenden Interessen von London, Rom und Paris. Aus den deutschen Kolonien – heute Tanganjika, Kamerun und Togo – wurden Mandatsgebiete des Völkerbunds der Kategorie B gebildet, aufgeteilt unter Britannien (Tanganjika, British Cameroon und ein Teil von Togo), Frankreich (wesentliche Teile von Kamerun und Togo) sowie Belgien (Ruanda- Urundi), über deren Verwaltung die sog. Mandatskommission des Völkerbunds die formale Aufsicht hatte. Aus Deutsch-Südwestafrika (dem späteren Namibia) schuf man ein Mandatsgebiet der Südafrikanischen Union der Kategorie C, was – ähnlich wie entsprechende Mandatsgebiete von Australien, Neuseeland und Japan in Ozeanien – die faktische Einverleibung in die betreffenden Mutterländer bedeutete. Das Mandatssystem in Afrika erhielt 1922 seine definitive Gestalt, wie jedoch neuere Forschungen zeigen, bedeutete es eher eine abgeänderte Version des europäischen Kolonialismus, die den Bewohnern der betreffenden Territorien keine wesentlichen Vorteile brachte. Auch deshalb wurde das Mandatssystem später, gegen Ende des zweiten Weltkriegs, durch ein anders gestaltetes System von Treuhandgebieten (Trusteeships) unter Verwaltung der neuen UNO ersetzt.
EN
On 21 June 1968, an unofficial meeting of the foreign ministers of Czechoslovakia and Austria, Jiří S Hájek and Kurt Waldheim, took place as a kind of culmination of endeavours at normalising diplomatic and political relations between the two countries. Mutual relations in the second half of the 1960s were still complicated by a number of problems. Above all, these involved the former country’s belonging to the Soviet Eastern Bloc while the latter country was neutral, but in fact a pro-Western state. Also a problem were unsolved property rights problems, most of which had arisen from nationalisation policies in Czechoslovakia in 1945 and also from the displacement of some Czech Germans to Austria. Austria said that any intensification in political and economic relations with Czechoslovakia was conditional upon solving its property claims. The sum they claimed for, however, was far in excess of the sum that Czechoslovakia was willing to give Austria. As such, the meeting of both foreign ministers, the minutes of which are printed in the material in full according to the archived original (including due comments), was thus an expression of the endeavours at achieving an agreement to deal with problems in mutual relations. Its conclusion, however, was soon delayed by the invasion of Warsaw Pact soldiers in Czechoslovakia in August 1968 and subsequent Normalisation.
EN
The relations between Czechoslovakia, controlled by the communist regime, and Australia, which was a part of the western world, did not represent a significant value for either of both parties. Czechoslovakia, formally commencing the diplomatic cooperation with Australia during the previous period, however kept the General consulate in Sydney active in course of the entire Cold War, and this consulate was perceived as the only office of similar character in the entire Communist bloc in Australia during majority of the 1950s. The study of partially preserved documents from this office provides insights into the ideas of the communist world about the development in the area of interest including certain political and ideological stereotypes. A certain increased activity in the mutual trade relations were visible from the second half of the 1950s. Nevertheless, further development of mutual relations was prevented both by geographic remoteness and remoteness of interests, as well as by the general political development. Attempts for a full normalization of the diplomatic relations (which had been strictly formal until that time) are visible from the beginning of the 1970s, however, only a partial success is observable in the years 1971–1972. While Czechoslovakia was represented in Australia by an ambassador with the seat in Jakarta, Indonesia, Canberra was in Prague formally represented by an ambassador with the seat in Vienna. In the second half of the 1980s, the government in Prague tried to widen the scope of its relations, which indubitably happened in connection with a certain increased activity of the Soviet foreign policy in the Pacific region. The embassy of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic was established in Canberra in the autumn 1987, which may be perceived as a symbol of the aforementioned change.
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