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EN
In European Union there are three levels of law governing elections to the Europen Parliament. First of all, European Union election law is regulated by the primary law and directive 93/109/WE as well as by the jurisprudence of the European Court of Justice. The second level is that of the Council of Europe – set out in the European Convention of Human Rights and interpreted by the European Court of Human Rights – to guarantee basic election principles. The third level of election law is national law. This, naturally, must conform to the wording of the Convention and decisions of the ECtHR in all member states of the Council of Europe and to the European Union election rules in 27 EU member states. The author of the article presents European Union law regulations concerning to the all stages of the electoral process and proposals of changes in this area. Stages of electoral process regulated in the European Union law are: ordering the elections, nomination of elections, setting roster of persons which have right to elected and right to be elected, electoral campaign, voting, establishing of the voting results and announcing of them, establishing of the elections results, affirmation of the validity of the elections, expirations of the mandate and by-elections. The author presents the opinion, that there are two ways of evolution of European Union regulation concerning to the elections to the European Parliament. First is gradual widening regulations of Act concerning the election of the members of the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage, and second is establishing the all-European constituency, in which right to present candidates would have only European political parties.
EN
Electoral method is mathematical mode of translating votes on mandates. Electoral method, together with constituencies and electoral thresholds is one of the element of proportional electoral system. In the surveys of proportional system majority of doctrine assume, that deciding influence on electoral outcomes has magnitude and structure of constituencies and amount of electoral thresholds, while electoral method comparing with aforementioned elements has usually minor meaning. Consequences of choosing electoral method can be however very crucial, sometimes becoming even the most important factor deciding which political parties takes power after elections. This fact create tribute to contemplations on mathematical apparatus and consequences of their applying. In doctrine are proposing different proportional methods. One of the best esteem expert of electoral systems Arend Lijphard, consider that proportional methods should be divided on simple transferable vote system, in which voter vote on individual candidates marking his preferences and party list system, which consist of divisor and quota method. In the article was presenting mathematical and political implication of using particular electoral methods. Author points out that contemporary divisor methods are using commonly than quota methods. It’s ensue mainly form it’s simplicity, endurance on antinomies and easiness in tinkering. Large part of consideration regarded to instrumentalization of electoral methods.
EN
The ruling relates to the problem of selection judges of the Constitutional Court on the positions vacated between end of the current parliamentary term and start of new tenure. The author criticizes the judgment of the Constitutional Court.
PL
Glosowane orzeczenie dotyczy głośnego problemu wyboru sędziów Trybunału Konstytucyjnego na stanowiska opróżniane w okresie przypadającym na zakończenie dotychczasowej kadencji parlamentu i rozpoczęcia nowej jego kadencji. Autor dokonuje krytycznej oceny wyroku Trybunału Konstytucyjnego.
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EN
The article presents a review of possible procedures of changing the electoral system in a comparative perspective with special regard to the Polish legislation. The author claims that changes in electoral system are often manipulated by the political parties. To prevent such tinkering two solutions can be applied: first, is to fix the electoral system in the constitution and, second, to protect the electoral system from amendment within one year before the election. He also provides an analysis of the legal basis of the Polish referendum on electoral system held on 6th September 2015.
EN
The article is a polemic with some of the theses presented by Karol Pachnik and Jakub Krajewski in the article “The Admissibility of Single-member Constituencies in European Parliament Elections Act” published in “Przegląd Sejmowy” No 6/2013. The purpose of this article is to answer the question of whether the introduction of single-member constituencies into Polish electoral law governing elections to the European Parliament is in accordance with the law of a higher rank and, above all, with EU law. After addressing the importance of the European Parliament for the legitimacy of the EU, the former and existing legal regulation of the elections to the European Parliament, the author fi nds that an analysis of the rules of EU law concerning the electoral system does not lead to a clear conclusion on the admissibility of the introduction of one-mandate constituencies while maintaining the proportionality of election results. Therefore, he also analyzes of how the introduction of single-member constituencies while maintaining the proportional nature of the voting system could look like in practice and points out the consequences of such a reconstruction of the electoral system.
EN
The paper presents the mixed electoral system and its models, and analyses their applicability in the elections to the Sejm of the Republic of Poland. The authors focus on the German personalised proportional system and the proposal for an electoral system based on this system constructed by Jarosław Flis. The analysis concerns not only the legal aspect but also the political and social consequences. The presented experiences of various countries show that the reaction of political parties and voters to a new electoral system can be surprising and the political consequences unpredictable.
EN
The subject of this study is the analysis of one of the structural elements of constitutional concepts: the statutory number of deputies, the statutory number of senators and the statutory number of members of the National Assembly. The authors consider, among others, the issue of the legitimacy of calculating the constitutional majority, quorum, as well as the required number of signatures, from the total number of members, instead of the actual number. They separate a temporary and permanent reduction in the number of parliamentarians, analyzing their impact on parliamentary practice. In conclusion, they share the generally accepted interpretation of the concept of the statutory number of members, according to which it is always the composition specified in law, regardless of the actual composition, even in the situation where the law itself sanctions such a reduction, but pointing to the legitimacy of using this concept in constructing some constitutional majority and bypassing it in other cases.
PL
Przedmiotem niniejszego opracowania jest analiza jednego z konstrukcyjnych elementów konstytucyjnych pojęć: ustawowa liczba posłów, ustawowa liczba senatorów oraz ustawowa liczba członków Zgromadzenia Narodowego. Autorzy zastanawiają się m.in. nad kwestią zasadności obliczania konstytucyjnych większości, kworum, jak również wymaganej liczby podpisów, w stosunku do ogólnej liczby członków danego organu, nie zaś liczby faktycznie obecnych bądź głosujących. Dokonują rozróżnienia na przejściowe oraz trwałe zmniejszenie liczby parlamentarzystów, analizując ich wpływ na praktykę parlamentarną. W konkluzji podzielają powszechnie przyjętą interpretację pojęcia ustawowej liczby członków, według której jest to zawsze skład określony w przepisach prawa, niezależnie od składu faktycznego, nawet w sytuacji, gdy same przepisy prawa sankcjonują takie pomniejszenie, wskazując jednak na zasadności posłużenia się tym pojęciem przy konstruowaniu niektórych konstytucyjnych większości oraz pominięcie go w innych.
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