End of the 1980s and early 1990s brought a complete change of almost all factors influencing the position of both Germany and Poland in the international arena. The two countries – for the first time in history – faced the challenge of regulating their neighborly relations based on democratic values and principles of international law. This situation was an opportunity to create the foundations of “good neighborliness and friendly cooperation”, but at the same time once again brought about the need to confront the past – especially the events dating back about 50 years. As it turned out, the two countries not only have not always been in agreement in the mutual perceptions of their place in the new political reality, but disagreed also in the interpretation of common history. In addition, they differ in their views on the shape of mutual relations and prospects for their development. The formal regulation of Polish-German relations in the form of agreements and treaties were confronted with different real-life practice – mainly because of the lack of political will on both sides, coupled with the weakness in terms of implementation of the above documents, and were not enough to solve a number of contentious issues. Also the constant presence in the discussion of current issues and disputes of the historical legacy and resulting burdens did not facilitate conducting a meaningful, to-the-matter dialogue. The article shows the place and role of the past history in contemporary Polish-German relations, how it is used in the political and social discourse, and how it affects the thinking and outlook of the two nations today.
The purpose of this article is to present the silhouette of Józef Winiewicz – “a man of the Congress” who throughout almost the entire period of World War II collaborated with the Ministry of Congress Works as part of the Polish government-in-exile, and later worked for the Bureau of Congress Works in post-war Poland. Only his activities undertaken during his stay in Britain and later in Poland, and related to the works carried out by the above institutions in the years 1940 to 1947 are presented here. His chief responsibilities included development and presentation of Polish demands for the future peace treaty with Germany.
The end of the Second World War necessitated making arrangements as to the future of Germany. The decisions were to be made by the allied countries – winners of the war. In the end, the decisions of the so-called “big four” states were of arbitrary nature, and German officials were not permitted to participate in talks about the future of their country. The years 1945-1947 have brought numerous important resolutions and final settlements, but were also a period of growing disagreement within the victorious coalition. True end of their collaboration came about in 1947, and the matter of Germany became a bargaining chip in the Cold War conflict. The aim of this study is, above all, to present the role of the most important decision-making institution after the war: the Council of Foreign Ministers. The paper also presents the respective positions of the four great powers as to the participation of Germany, Poland and so-called “small countries” in determining the future of Germany.
Poland’s location and history have often brought up the issue of its borders. During World War II and just after its end the issue became topical again. International diplomacy had to undertake the task of deciding about the futurę of Germany yet another time in the firsthalf of the 20th century. The issue of new borders was integral part of this decision and one of its basie elements. Poland being perforce directly affected by the border decisions wanted to participate actively in the work on the preparation of the possible futurę peace treaty with the western neighbour. Special institutions were established for this purpose. Within the Polish government- in-exile the Ministry of Congress Work conducted its activity and after the war was over the new Polish authorities formed the Office of Congress Works. Presenting the details of border decisions concerning Poland or Germany which were the result of the war is not the aim of this article. It is aimed at showing the visions of these borders which were developed in these two Polish institutions in two different political realities. Both the Ministry of Congress Work and the Office of Congress Work produced a large number of studies concerning the futurę borders. They were prepared by experts connected with various research institutions as well as columnists, military men and politicians.
The end of the Second World War resulted in the need to make arrangements concerning the future of Germany. The victorious states were to accomplish this. The decisions of the big four powers were made arbitrarily, and German representatives were not allowed to discuss the future of their country. Many important decisions were made between 1945 and 1947, but it was also a period of growing conflict within the anti-Nazi coalition. 1947 saw the real end of their cooperation, and the German issue became a bargaining chip in the Cold War. The representatives from Poland, which suffered great losses during the war, did not want to assume the role of just an observer, but wanted to actively participate in shaping the future of Europe. This happened on numerous layers, the most vital being the activities of Polish diplomatic posts, official appearances of Polish diplomacy on the international scene and bilateral cooperation with other countries which, like Poland, were interested in solving the German issue.