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EN
At the turn of the third millennium, a number of books were published in which their authors, among them eminent economic historians and economists, undertook to identify the reasons for wealth and poverty worldwide. This paper aims to present the main works of the recent years, which focused on income disproportions occurring globally and their possible reasons. A particular attention has been given to the latest work by Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson Why Nations Fail. The Origins of Power, Prosperity and Poverty (2013), in which the authors, on the example of dozens of historical cases, attempt to explain the origin of the differences existing between the wealthy and poor countries. The work is an institutional interpretation of history in which the authors attempt to answer the question how history shapes institutional development paths of different nations. In their opinion, history is not destiny, nor is it determined by geographical factors, cultural events or even ignorance of the rules or governors. Instead, it is determined by institutions.
PL
Na przełomie drugiego i trzeciego milenium ukazało się wiele nowych inspirujących prac, które podejmowały temat przyczyn bogactwa i ubóstwa na świecie. Wśród autorów znajdowali się zarówno wybitni historycy gospodarczy, jak i ekonomiści wykorzystujący analizę instytucjonalną. Celem artykułu jest przybliżenie najważniejszych prac opublikowanych w ostatnich latach podejmujących problem dysproporcji dochodowych na świecie i poszukujących przyczyn tego zjawiska. W przeglądzie uwzględniono ważniejsze pozycje z zakresu historii gospodarczej. Szczególne miejsce zostawiono na omówienie najnowszego dzieła Darona Acemoglu i Jamesa A. Robinsona „Why Nations Fail. The Origins of Power, Prosperity and Poverty” [Dlaczego narody upadają. Geneza potęgi, dostatku i ubóstwa], w którym autorzy, korzystając z dziesiątków przykładów historycznych, również starają się wyjaśnić, skąd biorą się różnice między bogatymi a biednymi krajami. Praca Acemoglu i Robinsona jest instytucjonalną interpretacją historii i próbuje odpowiedzieć na pytanie, w jaki sposób historia kształtuje instytucjonalne ścieżki rozwoju narodów. Historia nie jest według nich przeznaczeniem, nie determinują jej też czynniki geograficzne, kultura, przypadek, a nawet ignorancja rządzących, ale determinują ją instytucje. Obok przybliżenia podstaw teoretycznych, które wykorzystują instytucjonaliści, w artykule znajdują się komentarze autorskie, wspomagane przykładami zachowań instytucji również na gruncie polskim.
PL
Some remarks on the place of quantitative research in Polish economic history. The state and prospects (Summary)The article is a polemic on the text by Piotr Guzowski and Radosław Poniat entitled: The place of quantitative research in modern Polish historiography, which appeared in 2013 in the 73 volume of Roczniki Dziejów Społecznych i Gospodarczych [The Yearbook of Social and Economic History]. The article refers to a number of hypotheses and opinions presented by scholars who offered a critical analysis of the state of Polish economic history, the methods it uses and the scholarly potential it has. The article aims to present dilemmas faced by scholars specializing in economic history – one which rests on two pillars: history and economy. The author posits that economic history (not only in Poland), in exploring new ways of development, continues to rely both on a traditional history, known for its adherence to idiographic methods (which does not rule out the selection and juxtaposition of different data), and on contemporary economics, concerned mainly with model-building. The author argues for adopting a methodologically open approach to economic history, discussing a number of significant, both western and Polish, publications on this issue. The article also contains a review of the use of quantitative methods in Polish economic history.
EN
Paulus Kruger (1825-1904) was a co-founder of the first Boer State and four times President of Transvaal State in the years 1883-1900. As a young boy he took part in the Great Trek which led to the establishment of the new Boer republics in South Africa. He assumed the main duties in Transvaal and after British annexation in 1877 Kruger visited twice London to talk about the restoration of Transvaal’s independence. After his return to South Africa he was the leader of the first Boer War, which led to Transvaal autonomy under British „suzerainty”. From the very beginning of his presidency the most important purpose for Kruger was to establish the relationships with the United Kingdom. His third visit in London in 1884 brought the signing of the new London Convention. The convention granted sovereignty to Transvaal but South African Republic (new name of the state) could not pursue its own foreign policy except for maintaining relations with Orange Free State. It was difficult for Kruger to achieve self-dependence in Transvaal’s policy especially since the shrewd politician, Cecil John Rhodes had arrived to South Africa. During Kruger’s presidency there was a bitter dispute over Boer-British controversy about Swaziland and Matabeland in the North of Transvaal. The most burning issue in Boer-British relations was to solve the problem of „uitlanders” who had come to South Africa after the discovery of gold and diamond fields. The British tried to organise an opposition against Boer rules but the Jameson raid at the end of 1895 ended in failure. Soon afterwards Kruger received congratulations from William II but German support lasted short and in the years to follow Germany entered into friendly relations with Great Britain. At the end of 90s Kruger was no longer able to oppose British demands. The conference in Bloemfontein in June 1899 was the last attempt to save the peace but Alfred Milner’s and Joseph Chamberlain’s demands were too unreasonable to be accepted. On the 9th of October 1899 Kruger with Volksraad (Transvaal’s parliament) made up their minds about ultimatum to Great Britain. It meant that the war was bound to commence. The one and only ally for South African Republic was Orange Free State. Kruger ceased to be the President in September 1900 after British annexation during the second Boer War. Despite the fact that Kruger was no longer the president, he went to Europe at the end of 1900 but he failed in his efforts, to receive the support from Germany, France or Holland. He did not want to talk to the London government either. There was no possibility to change the British attitude to the Boer republics’ future. Kruger died in exile in Switzerland without ever seeing his free country again.
EN
The aim of the article is to present the economic thought of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi with respect to ethical aspects. There are lots of statements and remarks about the relations of ethics and economics in Gandhi’s writings. In his opinion, both areas should be treated as integrated. That is why it is worth analysing Gandhi’s views on various economic matters. Only a selected presentation was possible because it was difficult to find cohesion in his socio-economic system. One of the hypothesis underlined is that it is even risky to write about Gandhi’s united system. Generally his economic thought was not a part of economics as a discipline. Nevertheless it is not a reason to relinquish studies of it. Because of the fact that many remarks linked with microand macroeconomics are of considerable value, they can be used to research economic changes in India in 20th century or to study the attitude of Indian society towards those changes. The main source of the paper was the autobiography ‘The Story of My Experiments with Truth’ published in 1925. More of Gandhi’s economic thought can also be found in the work ‘Hind Swaraj’ from 1909 and in the lecture ‘Does Economic Progress Clash with Real Progress?’ from 1916.
PL
Celem artykułu było wykorzystanie następujących pojęć z koncepcji Darona Acemoglu i Jamesa Robinsona: despotyczny, realny, papierowy i poskromiony Lewiatan, do oceny stanu demokracji, siły rządów i mobilizacji społecznej w Europie Środkowo‑Wschodniej w długim okresie. W badaniu uwzględniono: Polskę, Czechy, Słowację (przed 1993 r. Czechosłowację), Węgry, Rumunię i Bułgarię. Na podstawie analizy historycznej wyodrębniono typy Lewiatanów w okresie międzywojennym, w czasach komunizmu i transformacji. W najnowszym okresie (XXI wiek) wykorzystano do tego osiem indeksów demokracji i wolności, które mierzą i oceniają jakość rządzenia, stan instytucji i potencjał kapitału społecznego w sześciu krajach Europy Środkowo‑Wschodniej. Sprawdzono przydatność tych indeksów do oceny, czy i kiedy danemu krajowi udało się poskromić Lewiatana.
EN
The main objective of the paper is to use the following terms of Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson – Despotic, Real, Paper, Shackled Leviathans – to check and evaluate the state of democracy, governance and social power in Central and Eastern European Countries (CECCs). Six states were included in the study: Poland, Czechia, Slovakia (before 1993 Czechoslovakia), Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria. Based on a historical analysis, Leviathan types were identified in the interwar period, communism, and the transition time. In the most recent period (the twenty‑first century), eight democracy and freedom indices were presented, which take into account the quality of governance, the state of institutions and the potential of social capital in the six CEECs. The usefulness of these indices for assessing whether (and when) a country managed to shackle Leviathan were checked.
EN
What determines the economic development of states and societies? This fundamental research question has spawned a wealth of economic theories over the past two centuries or so. This article analyzes the most notable of these theories and assesses a new concept by Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson, developed in their 2012 bestseller Why Nations Fail? The Origins of Power, Prosperity and Poverty. Our analysis and in-depth literature studies show that single-factor theories are rare; most authors list a combination of factors that they believe are crucial to economic development. Another finding is that proposed theories range from those that focus on various components of the natural environment (different variations of “geographical hypothesis”) to those that put the emphasis on human-related factors (various forms of “institutional hypothesis”). Acemoglu and Robinson’s concept can largely be viewed in institutional terms, though the researchers themselves make a distinction between institutional and cultural hypotheses rather than institutional and geographical. Their distinction suggests that institutions can be seen as independent of their cultural context, which appears to be in conflict with the researchers’ overall line of reasoning and detracts from their theory.
PL
Celem artykułu jest analiza głównych koncepcji, jakie wysuwano w ciągu dwu stuleci rozwoju nauk ekonomicznych, próbując odpowiedzieć na fundamentalne dla ekonomii pytanie badawcze, a mianowicie: jakie czynniki warunkują rozwój gospodarczy poszczególnych krajów i społeczeństw? Przegląd i uporządkowanie istniejących stanowisk umożliwia uzyskanie niezbędnego punktu odniesienia dla oceny jednej z najnowszych koncepcji autorstwa Darona Acemoglu i Jamesa A. Robinsona spopularyzowanej w bestsellerowej monografii Why Nations Fail? The Origins of Power, Prosperity and Poverty [2012; wyd. polskie 2014]. Metodę badawczą pozwalającą na realizację powyższego celu stanowią pogłębione studia literaturowe. Najistotniejsze wnioski z przeprowadzonej analizy można sprowadzić do stwierdzenia, że: (1) gros autorów wskazuje wiele elementów istotnych dla rozwoju gospodarczego (teorie jednoczynnikowe zdarzają się sporadycznie), (2) ogół istniejących teorii można umieścić w ramach spektrum rozciągającego się od koncepcji, w których nadrzędna rola jest przypisana różnorakim komponentom środowiska naturalnego (co prowadzi do wysuwania różnych odmian hipotezy geograficznej), po wyjaśnienia, w których na pierwszym planie postawione są czynniki zależne od aktywności człowieka (co owocuje wariantami hipotezy instytucjonalnej). Koncepcja Acemoglu i Robinsona plasuje się zdecydowanie bliżej instytucjonalnego krańca wskazanego spektrum, choć wprowadzenie przez tych badaczy trudnego do akceptacji i obrony na gruncie ich własnych rozważań rozgraniczenia pomiędzy hipotezami: instytucjonalną i kulturową niesłusznie sugeruje, że instytucje można rozpatrywać niezależnie od ich kontekstu kulturowego oraz prowadzi do osłabienia wymowy ich skądinąd wartościowej teorii.
EN
The economist Deepak Lal researches the influence of morality and religion on the shaping of capitalism in different civilizations. His thought was confronted with the remarks of other institutionalists. Lal tries to find out what was the influence of the cost of transactions and the religious beliefs on the evolution of capitalism in chosen countries and regions. Lal claims that materialistic beliefs of agricultural civilizations had not played the key role in the economic growth. The reforms in the Church in the Middle Ages allowed to spread of the instinct of exchange and production of homo oeconomicus. As a result the individualism started to dominate over collectivism. Lal tries to prove that the individualism was not the basis of the Christian faith. The following virtues as: diligence, discipline, frugality, self-help, self-control have had secular origin and nowadays they are more common in India and China than in the West. The Asian civilizations face the dilemma during the economic expansion of the West. They had to choose the path of their development. China and India followed Japan and they modernized without westernization. They tried to find middle course between the tradition and the modernity. We tried to emphasize in the article, that none of the religions have determined the economic fate of the countries. Rather, the morality of the societies and the decision-makers’ beliefs had an influence on economic development.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł, na przykładzie analizy gospodarki miasta Łodzi, stanowi kolejny przyczynek w coraz obfitszej literaturze na temat czynników pobudzających wzrost gospodarczy. Autorzy pokazują, w jaki sposób czynniki geograficzne mogą stymulować bądź hamować rozwój gospodarczy w różnych okresach. W artykule omawiają przyczyny gospodarczej stagnacji miasta przez pierwsze cztery stulecia jego istnienia i następujący po tym jego szybki rozwój. W toku badań ustalili przede wszystkim, że w przypadku Łodzi długofalowy rozwój nie byłby możliwy bez kilku czynników środowiskowych, które pozwoliły podjąć dobre decyzje i zapewniły miastu stabilność instytucjonalną. Geography Matters. Environmental Factors that Affected the “Take-Off” of Lodz The paper contributes to a growing body of literature on factors triggering economic growth by providing an analysis of the case of city of Lodz. We demonstrate how geographical factors can play their roles as incentives or hindrances of economic development in different periods of time. The paper discusses the reasons for the city’s economic stagnation for the four first centuries of its existence and the subsequent rapid growth. The main finding is that in the case of Lodz, the long-term development would not be possible without a few environmental factors which supported to make good decisions and to impose institutional stabilization of the city.
EN
The main purpose of the article is the presentation and interpretation of some ethical, economic and social aspects in the works of Plato. The division of labour, wealth, the meaning of money, use of interest and paying taxes are the most interesting problems in Plato’s vision of The Republic. There one can also find some current problems such as the attitude of citizens towards their states, the ethical standards required of the authorities or the role of women. This article was written in the form of a dialogue; the same as the works of Plato.
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