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EN
The paper offers a type of internal criticism of Martha Nussbaum’s liberal political philosophy. On the one hand, Nussbaum’s claims to political liberalism (as defined by Rawls) are questioned. It is argued that her capabilities-based liberalism remains committed to a broader, primarily Aristotelian account of the human condition. As a result, it exceeds the limits imposed by political liberalism with its focus on citizenship and non-comprehensive foundations of political regimes. On the other hand, the paper argues that Nussbaum’s project can meet the basic normative objective of political liberalism. That is to say, it offers a convincing solution to the question: how can liberal values be stable in a society, given that liberalism endorses the plurality of acceptable normative doctrines? Nussbaum is able to address this issue, because her rich philosophical commitments allow her to complement liberal tenets with a compatible account of practical reasoning complementary. The paper focuses on one of the elements of this conception, i.e. Nussbaum’s theory of emotions and their role in a political culture.
EN
Upper Silesia-border region, which had contact for centuries with Polish and German politics, culture and education. After it returned in the twenties of the twentieth century to the Poland Polish authorities had to deal with the problems of administrative, economic, social, cultural, educational. In the article the Author presents the issue related to the organization of Polish schools in Upper Silesia in the thirties of the twentieth century. With the establishment of new schools, there was a great demand for teaching staff, which, unfortunately, for the most part came from other regions of the country. Teaching staff had been subjected to the education of newly approved legislation. With regard to the education system in Poland, the Author presented the way of education, teacher training institutions, increase the qualifications of teachers in Silesia. Due to the nature of the border region, there was also the problem of this area of minority education, which tried to fight elected provincial governor and superintendent of Silesia, a supporter of rehabilitation, the unification of Upper Silesia with the rest of the country Michał Grażyński. The paper based on the memories of teachers will be presented to the problems of Polish students and teachers in minority schools.
EN
This article contains information about little known event which was the exposition of agrarian and industrial achievements of Javoriv region near Lvov in 1907. Author presented and partially described the event. It was also possible to expose the social and political context of this event. The conclusion seems to be that promoting industry and modern methods in farming was only a partial goal of landowners from Javoriv region. Political reasons, especially the forthcoming election to parliament in Lvov was also very important. Using the classical theoretical concept of attitude, author tries to analyze the social and political background of attitude to industry of landowners in the region. The conclusion is that industry in the Javoriv region played a subsidiary role for land estate, which was the basis of economical and political domination of landowners in the region at the time.
PL
Publikacja wydana dzięki pomocy finansowej Wydziału Edukacji Urzędu Miasta Łodzi i Dziekana Wydziału Filologicznego UŁ
FR
L'article présente les opinions des grouppements politiques en opposition face au gouvernement concernant la conception du désarmement moral. Cette idée ayant un caractère des slogans dans la période précédant les projets polonais a trouvé son expression dans deux documents de la diplomatie polonaise — du 17 IX 1931 et du 13 II 1932. Il s'agissait d'interdire par tous les États de mener la propagande en laveur de la guerre et en même temps, d'inclure à l'activité en faveur de la paix des écoles, la presse, la radio, le cinéma, les théâtres. Les projects de la réalisation du désarmement moral ont été pris en considération par le Comité du désarmement moral de la Conférence du Désarmement, maïs ils n'ont jamais pu être réalisés. L’attitude de la presse po lon aise faca à l'initiative du gouvernement se composait de deux facteurs de base. Le premier — c'était l’opinion même sur l'idée du désarmement moral lésultant des fondements idéologiques et des appréciations de la politique internationale faits par le grouppement politique en question. Le deuxième — le rapport envers l'auteur du projet, c’est-à-dire le gouvernement polonais. Par conséquent on rencontre l'opinion la plus négative dans la presse de la Démocratie Nationale et du Parti Communiste Polonais. A la base de cette attitude on retrouve la conviction de deux partis, quoique résultant de dillérents facteurs idéologiques, concernant l'inefficacité de la Société des Nations, la nocivité du pacifisme ainsi que la nécessité des changements profonds de la politique étrangère de la Pologne. L'antagonisme envers le gouvernement ne faisait qu'aiguiser les objections. On discutait donc la valeur de l'idée même et sur le sens des projets qui s’y liaient, et la ton d’énonqés a été particulièrement violent (ABC, la Pensée Nationale, Actualités, la Nouvelle Revue). La Démocratie Chrétienne, les socialistes et les populistes se sont retrouvés dans la situation dillérente. Dans ce cas-là l'idée du désarmement moral était en accord avec leur orientation politique et idéologique. Ce rapport positif était affaibli par contre par le fait de rester en opposition envers le gouvernement. La presse de ces partis exprimait donc l'acceptation pour l'idée sans accepter son auteur (Polonia, le Journal de Bydgoszcz, la Libération, l'Ouvrier). L'objection commune posée par tous les partis se rapportait aux intentions du gouvernement. On doutait, surtout dans le contex te de la politique inférieure, de la sincérité des intentions polonaises. Le moyen d'exprimer cotte aversion consistait parfois à passer sous silen ce des exposés polonais à Genève (le Journal de Varsovie, Piast, l'Êtandard Vert, En avant) ou à se limiter aux informations trôs brèves (le Courrier de Poznań, la Voix de la Nation, la Gazette de Grudziądz). Le seul journal d'opposition qui, défavorable aux initiatives du gouvernement polonais, a pris une attitude diilérente a été le Courrier de Varsovie. Sur ses caries aussi bien les idé es que les projets polonais ont été largement acceptés.
EN
New structuralist (distributional) trends describe morphological structure of a language or textual material with the use of specific analytic rules. These rules are strictly connected with the notions of morph, allomorph, morpheme. Polish grammatical traditions have had different interpretations of the morpheme and different descriptive techniques. Can we apply the distributional method to the description of Slavonic languages? If this is so, can we find a theoretical basis for the traditional interpretation of the morpheme in Slavonic linguistics? The answer to the first question is negative. The latter requires a slight change of interpretation of the morpheme on the basis of new methodological tendencies (semiotics). The author's aim was not only to establish correct theoretical findings but also to consider the basic linguistic notions as applied to textbooks and practical analyses.
13
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EN
The article deals with a problem which is related both to morphology and syntax. Particular attention has been drawn to the relations of the morpheme nie to the nominal predicate. Here we distinguish negative sentences which can be transformed to positive utterances by eliminating the negation factor and we point to possible positive structures which can be transformed to negative by negating the predicate. From the syntactic point of view the morpheme nie is a shifting unit i.e. it can be connected with either a predicative or a copula. This flexibility results from the possibility of joining the morpheme with predicative developing words, particularly with the adverbial bardzo. We have also described sentences which can be transformed to affirmative under the condition of certain lexical changes and there have been distinguished utterances with no positive equivalent as they can be expressed only by negated structures. Some structures are impossible to transform because of their idiomatic character.
PL
Wydanie publikacji dofinansowane przez Komitet Badań Naukowych
EN
The years 1806-1807 were times of change in the history of the Polish nation. Military campaigns, that took place on the Polish ground were of much importance for the fortunes of Polish statehood. In 1806 Napoleon’s military forces entered central Europe and shortly afterwards destroyed the whole political establishment from 1795. Eleven years after the fall of the Commonwealth the issue of Polish independence known as "The Polish Question” remained very much alive. The Great Army was considerably weak and far away from the borders of France. Moreover, The Great Army needed to have newly occupied territories under its rule and to maintain Paris’ hegemony in these regions of Europe, and to strengthen it using Polish armed forces. The approval of the Polish society was one of the most important factor that was responsible for the negotiations concerning the rebirth of the Polish independent State. In the Polish social common consciousness there is an opinion that the rebirth of Polish statehood created by Napoleon in the shape of the Duchy of Warsaw was started on 22 July 1807. On that day the creation of a new state was proclaimed. Nevertheless, the date of the creation of the new slate is quite debatable. In June 1807 the founding stone of the nation was the creation of the structures of the Polish state. The breakthrough was in the autumn of 1806 when, during his victorious war campaign, Bonaparte defeated the Prussian Army, and on 27 October he entered Berlin. Then it was agreed upon that the rebirth of the Polish state was possible with the help of the powerful Napoleonic France. The pro-French attitude of Polish society was the result of its experience with the Russians’ and the Prussians’ solutions for "the Polish Question” that brought only disappointment. It is to be noted that in the contemporary history of Europe the changes made during the dictatorship rule of Napoleon were visible in a broader scope. The triumphal march of the invincible Great Army led by ‘the God of war’ in the region of Central and Eastern Europe was the fact that made Poles believe in regaining of Poland’s independence. Towering genius of Corsican conquered entirely Europe. People admired him and praised him as saviour of the patria and this opinion is undoubtedly true. It is worth highlighting the fact that with the fall of the Commonwealth the Polish administration was almost completely destroyed and after 12 years of state’s non-existence there was a beginning of reconstruction the Polish administration’s structure on the basis of the remnants of the Prussian administration. National institutions introduced in the period of the Governing Commission (brought into being by Napoleon on 14 January 1807 and functioning as the chief governing body and having executive rights) became one of the essential elements in creating the Duchy of Warsaw. There were some changes after the introduction of the constitution of the Duchy of Warsaw, whose purpose was to modify the structures that had been previously created in the years of the Commission (dissolved on 5 October 1807). Since then the state structure which had been created survived not only the times of the Duchy of Warsaw but also to some extent functioned till the years of the Polish Kingdom, namely between 1815-1831. The modification of ‘Poland invaded by the Prussian king’ (as the area under the power of the Commission was commonly called till July 1807) into the Duchy of Warsaw enabled Poles to maintain their national feeling with its own parliament, army, judiciary system, public administration, education and Polish as an official language throughout the life of two Polish generations.
16
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PL
Wydanie publikacji dofinansowane przez Komitet Badań Naukowych
EN
The mylh of Michał Drzymała is one of those, which were created on the turn of 19th century, to reinvigorate Poles during the time when Poland was portioned. Prussian policy concentrated on divest of Polish national character was such a threat, that it had to be answered. Ethos of peasant hero, who defended his land, understood as homeland, regardless of consequences seemed to be the best way to strength national identity among peasants. However, the chance to adopt this myth in common consciousness was possible, when he was described as seemingly ordinary, nevertheless clever man. In order to obtain such an ideal and suggestive personage, some facts, that did not match the picture of Michał Drzymała - Polish hero, had to be hidden from the public. Basic components of any myth are a symbol and an essence. In that case the symbol is the wagon, but it can be understood only with the essence, created by the Michal Drzymala’s story. Furthermore it does not mean that there is a myth. Without publicity and dynamic propaganda campaign First in the press, than in literature, the myth would not exists. In spite of this it did not become timeless archetype, because it was short of some features to build widespread status in the common sense.
EN
The aim of this article is to look at philosophy as a didactic practice in which didactic is seen as critique. Both are immanent to philosophical reflection as a whole. I would like to start with an analysis whether the structure of philosophical thought determines the didactic results (e.g. the Socratic method, philosophy as linguistic competence) and using critical theory I will analyze the possible ways of overcoming instrumental rationality. I will mainly contribute to the works of M. C. Nussbaum. I will then look at the relations between theory and practice, between instrumental and involved, between subjective and objective reason with contributions to M. Horkheimer and T. W. Adorno. The case to consider would be whether teaching philosophy should remain a shallow discipline with only historical approach or can it be presented as a problem-solving device thanks to introducing critical thought. Can it be a remedy to the enlightenment that results in a goal – oriented formal rationality?
EN
The automotive industry is one of the most important sectors for Polish total exports and imports in terms of value, as well as the factor of trade intensity trade. The paper is aimed at verifying the hypothesis according to which the sector covered in this research does not strengthen the capital intensity of Polish exports and fosters international division of labour between centres and semi-peripheries. Thus, the issues raised here are considered in the context of the middle income trap. The author analysed trade streams in Polish exports and imports through the changes in their structure, evolution of revealed comparative advantages (RCA), import penetration (IMP), revealed advantages in trade (RTA), trade balance and the level of intra-industry trade (IIT) together with an attempt to distinguish the shares of vertical and horizontal exchange. For the purpose of the research, data at the 4- and 6-digit disaggregation level of the Harmonised System were used. As a middle income country Poland is still an attractive location for foreign investments of multinational companies. However, it may preserve the developmental gap. This may be proven by the structure of the trade in the sector covered: cars and parts and accessories of motor vehicles are the most dominant sections, which is consistent with the level of revealed comparatives advantages and revealed advantages in trade. What is also worth noticing are the trade relations with Germany, where one can easily identify a technological dependency.
EN
The following paper is devoted to the issue of the degree of translatability of slang and vulgarisms form a hypothetical language into a different one in terms of film translation. The author intends to delineate the problem of a growing deformalization of the contemporary language registers which become more saturated with informal vocabulary or colloquial style. This highly theoretical paper starts with an in-depth analysis of the issue of vulgarity of language. Later, we draw the readers' attention to the technical aspects of film translation, and the application of the proper translation techniques as the fruitful methods of translation of slang and vulgarisms for the multimedia translations. In this paper we aim at presenting the theoretical principles of slang and vulgarisms interpretation which lays at the foundation of film translation activity. In view of remaining faithful to the original, the translator seeks to conform to the socio-cultural norms of the target language in order to achieve equivalence. The constant revision of language norms has a direct impact on the alternation of the translation process, and, also on the attitude of the translator himself toward the original. Our paper does not give any golden recipe for the translation success. It should be treated only as a voice in a vivid discussion upon the struggle for translatability which provides the desired equivalence to source text items.
EN
Modern management of public finance is a tool to the state budget and local government units budget to counteract the growth of public debt. Modern management of public finance to let efficiently manage the budget expenditure and revenue. Long – term financial forecast introduced to the Public Finance Act of 27 th August for the state budget and local government units is comply with requirements European legislator. The fiscal policy combined with modern management of public finance influence to performance of public duties in tasks budget.
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