The aim of the article is to present the Polish–Swedish relations in the era of interregnum after the death of Augustus II. During the Great Northern War (1700–1721) both the Polish Republic and Sweden lost its previous importance in Central and Eastern Europe. The Polish-Lithuanian state for a long time could not overcome the post-war crisis. InSweden, in turn, a profound political changes took place. Since 1719 the Swedish crown became an elective one and the states had taken full governance in the country. Sweden, increasingly depending on Russia, conducted a prudent and peaceful foreign policy. In the first period of ‘the Age of Liberty’ (frihetstiden) a dominant role in the Swedish political life played the President of the Chancellors Office, Count Arvid Bernhard Horn af Ekebyholm. His attitude was decisive in Swedish policy towards events in the Polish Republic during the era of the penultimate Polish interregnum. Since 1725 Stanislaw Leszczyński, father in law of King Louis XV, was the French candidate for the throne of Poland. The neighbors of the Polish Republic (Russia, Austria and Prussia), in turn, did not want the election of both Leszczyński and the son of Augustus II, Fredrick Augustus of Saxony. When in 1733 on February 1st died Augustus II, the head of the Polish Republic became interrex, Primate Teodor Potocki who openly supported the candidacy of Stanislaw Leszczyński. He sent the envoys of the Polish Republic abroad. Antoni Poniński went to Stockholm in April with the task of applying for a military aid and a clear political declaration in favor of Stanislaw Leszczyński. Sweden had decided, however, to remain neutral towards the events in Poland. Its possible assistance for the Stanislaws’ cause was to depend on the degree of involvement of France in the Polish affairs. In May 1733 Antoni Poniński left the capital of Sweden and went to Christiania (Oslo) for a meeting with the King of Denmark, Christian VI. Here the Polish diplomat did not achieve basically nothing as well. Both Scandinavian courts avoided the explicit declaration for Stanislaw Leszczyński. Meanwhile, on September 12th 1733 the election of Stanislaw Leszczyński was held. On October 5th Stanislaws’ opponents chose for the Polish throne the elector of Saxony, Frederick Augustus II, who took the name of Augustus III. Events in Poland had become for France an expected excuse to declare war to the Emperor Charles VI (October 10th 1733). France launched a major offensive on the Rhine and northern Italy. In Versailles, however, no one was thinking about launching major operations in the Polish Republic. Meanwhile, in January 1734 Saxon army occupied Cracow. Here the local bishop, Jan Lipski, crowned the King Augustus III. At about the same time, Arvid Horn allowed Swedish volunteers to participate in the defense of Gdansk. More aid to the cause of Leszczyński, however, was not given because the Swedish Riksdag left the final decision on this issue in hands of Arvid Horn who did not intend to get involved in any Polish affairs. On October 5th 1735 France made a preliminary peace with the Emperor. On January 27th 1736, at the request of the court of Versailles, Stanislaw Leszczyński signed his abdication. The penultimate interregnum in the history of the Polish Republic was over. From Stockholm’s point of view neutrality of Sweden during war of Polish Succession proved to be supremely wise. However, many Swedes were dissatisfied with the Arvid Horn’s policy. In 1738 elections to the Riksdag were won by the opposition party of ‘Hats’. In December 1738 Arvid Horn resigned and was forced to withdraw from the political life. So one can say that the former President of the Chancellors Office had paid, after all those years, a very high price for failing to support the candidate of France during the double Polish election in 1733.
Le XVIIIéme siècle éveilla l'intérêt historique de la société polonaise. Cet intérêt comprit aussi l'époque et le personnage du roi Jean III Sobieski. Non seulement les historiens et les hommes de lettres s'intéressaient au roi, les représentants des arts plastiques, eux aussi, partageaient cet intérêt. Les premières sources iconographiques consacrées à Jean III apparurent au-delà des frontières de la République vers la fin du XVIIIème ot au commencement du XVIIIème siècles. Dans le pays, plusieurs portraits anonymes du souverain furent créés. Vers la tin de l’époque saxonne, on lui fonda un monument funéraire das la cathédrale de Wawel. Parmi les artistes peignant ou sculptant les effigies de Sobieski, il faut citer: Marcel Bacciarelli, Jerzy Szeymeder, K. Aleksandrowicz, Mateusz Tokarski, Jan Bogumił Plersch, Daniel Chodowiecki, Franciszek Smuglewicz, Jan Piotr Norblin, Johann Boehm, et beaucoup d'autres. Les plus nombreuses représentations plastiques de Jean III Sobieski virent le jour dans les années quatre-vingts du XVIIIème siècle. La renaissance de l’intérêt à la personne du roi coïncida avec le centenaire de la bataille de Vienne et la direction anti-turque do la politique de la République Polonaise lancée par Stanislas Auguste. On peut aussi remarquer que les tendances artistiques se produisaient en même temps que les tendances à présenter la supériorité de l'ancienne République se manifestant dans les sciences historiques. Le concours des facteurs cités fit que les ouvrages iconographiques consacrés Jean III apparaissaient aussi vers la lin de années quatre-vingt-dix, pendant les partages et la chute politique de la République indépendante.
After 1772 Polish-Swedish relations were very neglected. The change in Swedish foreign policy in the eighties (Sweden looked for an ally against Russia) was a reason that Gustavus III turned his attention towards Polish affairs. After a short period of being informed about the events in Poland by K. H. Heyking, a nonleman from Curland who was staying in Warsaw, the Court of Stockholm sent to Poland its own emissary. In January of 1788 Lars von Engeström came to Polish Republic. He was a special legate of Gustavus III and his main task was to observe the political situation in this country. He was a devotee for Swedish-Prussian alliance. Engeström also saw Poland in this (never realized) political agreement. After the beginning of Russo-Swedish war (June-July 1788) Engeström became temporarily persona non grata at Polish Court, but at the same time he came into contact with the leaders of Stanislas Augustus opponents. In August of 1788 Lars von Engeström was appointed to a post of minister resident to Polish king. Next he aimed at sending the Polish envoy to Stockholm. However Stanislas Augustus objected to consolidate relations with the country which fought with Russia (the king was concerned that sending such a mission in such circumstances would be treated as an act of open hostility in St. Petersburg). In spile of this on the tourn of November and December 1788 first demands of sending Polish envoy to Stockholm appeared. The same problem was also discussed on many sessions of the Diet in December 1788, January, February and March 1789. At the beginning of March 1789 Stanislas Augustus was forced to promise a nomination of Polish envoy to Stockholm. But only on 21st of April 1789 the „patriotic” majority of the Diet achieved the nomination for the Stockholm post for the starosta of Tłumacz - Jerzy Michał (George Michael) Potocki, a brother of one of the leaders of the Diet - Ignacy. On 23rd of June a new minister obtained his ministerial instructions from the Deputation of Foreign Affairs of the Diet, but for Stockholm. That was the first step to consolidate Polish-Swedish relations.
Erik Magnus Staël von Holstein (1749–1802) był szwedzkim żołnierzem i dyplomatą. W listopadzie 1783 r. został mianowany ambasadorem na dworze francuskim. W styczniu 1786 r. poślubił Annę Louisę Germaine Necker, córkę szwajcarskiego bankiera i jednego z najbogatszych ludzi we Francji – Jacquesa. Po ślubie z córką wpływowego polityka, jakim był Necker, pozycja ambasadora Szwecji we Francji była zupełnie wyjątkowa. Był on bowiem bardzo dobrze widziany zarówno w Wersalu, gdzie cieszył się sympatią Ludwika XVI, Marii Antoniny, książąt krwi, szlachty i dworzan, jak i w Paryżu, gdzie przez swojego teścia nawiązał kontakty ze środowiskiem finansistów, kupców i szlachty urzędniczej. Staël von Holstein był także znakomitym obserwatorem francuskiej sceny politycznej. Jego poglądy polityczne skłaniały go do popierania koncepcji monarchii konstytucyjnej. Z tego powodu potępiał despotyzm zarówno Ludwika XVI, jak i swojego króla – Gustawa III. Przez współczesnych był uważany za arystokratycznego liberała. Po objęciu funkcji oficjalnego reprezentanta interesów króla Szwecji na dworze wersalskim Erik Magnus Staël von Holstein przesyłał do Sztokholmu bardzo interesujące raporty dyplomatyczne, w których odnotowywał wszystkie ważniejsze wydarzenia polityczne zachodzące we Francji. W okresie, kiedy absolutna monarchia Ludwika XVI zaczęła się chwiać w posadach, jako arystokratyczny liberał i zięć Neckera sympatyzował z opozycją szlachty i parlamentów skierowaną przeciwko poczynaniom rządu królewskiego. Na podstawie bardzo szczegółowych raportów szwedzkiego dyplomaty można też prześledzić przebieg tzw. rewolty uprzywilejowanych z lat 1787–1788. W pierwszych miesiącach rewolucji Staël von Holstein przesyłał do Sztokholmu pełne głębi i politycznej przenikliwości raporty dyplomatyczne ze szczegółowym opisem wypadków zachodzących we Francji. Przedstawiany przez Staëla obraz francuskiej sceny politycznej nie różni się w zasadzie od tego, co można znaleźć w pracach współczesnych badaczy dziejów rewolucji francuskiej. Relacjom Staëla von Holsteina nie sposób też zarzucić jakiejkolwiek nierzetelności. Ambasador był bowiem na ogół znakomicie poinformowany o wszystkim, co rozgrywało się wówczas we Francji, a jeśli nawet czasami mylił się w jakichś drobnych szczegółach, to i tak najważniejszy wydaje się fakt, że był w stanie przeniknąć istotę i atmosferę przemian dokonujących się w kraju, który zwykł był uważać za swoją drugą ojczyznę.
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Erik Magnus Staël von Holstein (*1749) became an Ambassador of Sweden to Paris (Versailles) in November of 1783. In January of 1786 he married Anne Louise Germaine Necker, the daughter of a Swiss banker and one of the richest men in France – Jacques. After a wedding with the daughter of Jacques Necker the position of the Swedish Ambassador in France was quite unique. He was well seen both in Versailles, where he enjoyed the sympathy on the part of Louis XVI, Marie Antoinette, princes of the blood, nobility and courtiers, and in Paris, where through his father-in-law he had established contacts with the environment of financiers, merchants and noblesse de robe. Staël also proved to be an excellent observer of the French political scene. In terms of political beliefs he was a supporter of the constitutional monarchy. For this reason, he condemned despotism of Louis XVI as well as of his own monarch. He was generally regarded as an aristocratic liberal. After having taken an office of the representative of the interests of the King of Sweden at the court of Versailles, Erik Magnus Staël von Holstein was sending to Stockholm very interesting diplomatic reports which recorded all current events taking place in France. At a time when the absolute monarchy of Louis XVI began to waver in its foundations, as an aristocratic liberal and son-in-law of Necker, he sympathised with the opposition of nobles and parliaments against actions of the Royal Government. On the basis of Staël von Holstein’s very detailed reports we have the possibility of keeping trace of the „revolt of the privileged”. During first months of the Revolution he was sending to Stockholm full of depth and political insight reports with a detailed description of events taking place in France. Presented by Staël image of the French political scene does not differ in principle from the way modern historians are writing about it. It is also impossible to find fault in his reports. The Ambassador was usually fairly informed about events taking place in France and even if he was wrong in some small details, he was able to penetrate an essence and atmosphere of change of which he was an eyewitness.
Hans Axel von Fersen (born 1755) was a descendant of the rich and powerful Swedish aristocratic family. He was the eldest son of statesman count Fredrik Axel von Fersen. He was carefully educated at home and than he completed his education during the long journey abroad. In 1778 he entered the French military service with the Royal Baviere regiment. In the years 1780-1783 he took part in the American War of Independence. In 1783 he was made proprietary colonel of the regiment Royal Suedoise. Fersen was a very handsome and bold man. From the mid seventy's of 18th century he was an intimate friend and favourite of French Queen Marie Antoinette. When Gustav Ill's war with Russia broke out, in 1788, Fersen accompanied his monarch as an adjutant to Finland, but in the autumn of the same year was sent back to France. In January 1790 count Fersen became a special agent and correspondent of Gustav Ill. Before the end of the year he was forced to admit that the cause of the French monarchy was hopeless so long as the King and Queen of France were nothing but captives in their own capital. It was the reason why Fersen had the leading role in the Royal Family's "Flight to Varennes". From the beginnings of April 1791 the King of Sweden was informed about all conspirators' (one of them was Fersen) actions in Paris. Soon Gustav III resolved to take an important part in the restoration of ancien regime in France. On 17 May 1791 Swedish monarch described his plans in the letter addressed to the Louis XVI's most trusted emigree minister, Louis Auguste Le Tonnelier baron de Breteuil. Soon after sending that letter the sovereign of Sweden left Stockholm and went to Aix la Chapelle. There he waited for messages from count Fersen about successful escape of French Royal Family. Meanwhile, on 20 June 1791 Louis XVI and his family escaped from Tuilleries. But the next day the King was recognized and stopped at Varennes. When Gustav III obtained the message about unsuccessful "Flight to Varennes", he immediately defined his own aims in the policy against France. He excluded any negotiations with "the rebbels" and resolved that the most important thing in his future policy would be the full restoration of ancien regime in France. On 30 June 1791 Gustav III met in Aix la Chap elle Hans Axel von Fersen. During that meeting the King decided that Fersen should go to Vienna, where he should try to secure the Emperor's aid against the Revolution. On the Summer of 1791 the most important aim in Gustav Ill's policy was signing the alliance treaty with Russia. But the King did not neglect the necessity of gaining cooperation of other European courts. In the middle of July 1791 Gustav III sent his envoys to Vienna, London, Koblenz (the main seat of the French emigrees), Munch, Madrid and Kassel. The most important mission was the mission to Vienna because the German princes did not want to do anything without consent and cooperation of the Imperial Court. On the beginnings of August 1791 Hans Axel von Fersen came to Vienna. He tried to obtain two different aims. His King wanted him to convince the Imperial Court to the idea of open, armed intervention in the French internal affairs. But count Fersen, against the intention of his own monarch, gave the whole-hearted support to the idea of armed congress near borders of France, forced by the French Royal Couple and baron de Breteuil. Fersen desperately tried to induce the Emperor Leopold II and his ministers to accede a new coalition against revolutionary France or to support the idea of armed congress. But after a few weeks of insipid talks in Vienna and Prague count Fersen came to the conclusion that the Austrian court meant to do nothing at all. In October 1791, at his own request, count Fersen was transfered to Brussels, where he could be of more service to the Royal Couple of France. The assassination of the King of Sweden (16 March 1792) was a very painful blow for Hans Axel von Fersen and for all the followers of the French Royal Couple. The death of Gustav III (29 March 1792) meant retreat of Sweden from the participation in planned monarchical crusade against the French Revolution.
Jerzy Michał Potocki (1753 – about 1801) is known mainly as an diplomat, envoy and minister of the Polish Republic in Stockholm (1789–1795). But it is to emphasize that even before he was a well known person on the Polish political scene. The descendent of an old senatorial family which members in majority were enemies of the new king of Poland, Stanisław August Poniatowski, from the early youth was connected to the anti-royalist opposition. Excellent colligations and owed fortune were the factors which facilitated the beginnings of his political career. He went the way typical for magnates connected to opposition who were born in the fifties of the 18th century. He participated in many Seymiks where he competed with king’s protagonists. From the end of the seventies he attended in the subsequent Diets where he adopted oppositional attitude towards policy of the king and the royalist party. Thanks to help of his wealthy and well connected cousin, Stanisław Szczęsny Potocki, he obtained a parliament seat on the Great Diet (1788–1792) where he was bounded up with the oppositional, anti-royalist party. Thanks to the winning of the opposition in the beginnings of the Great Diet and the support of his own family he obtained a post of Polish envoy in Stockholm. It was a reason which forced Jerzy Michał Potocki to leave the Great Diet long before the end of its term.
Jerzy prince Zbaraski was a descendent of the rich and powerful magnates family. He was born in 1574 as a son of Janusz prince Zbaraski (d. 1608) voivode of Bracław and Anna princess Czetwertyńska. Well educated, very good at foreign languages after long studies abroad, as a young man, together with his younger brother – prince Krzysztof (1579-1627), he became a king’s courtier. A conflict between him and Jesuits at the court was a cause of his disgrace. Passed over by the king in the distribution of state offices and crown estates, he became an oppositionist. Since then Zbaraski brothers fought internal and foreign policy of the king. After the death of their father, prince Jerzy and prince Krzysztof belonged to the exclusive group of the richest Crown magnates. Both of them played a great political role during the reign of Zygmunt III. As a castellan of Kraków (since 1620) prince Jerzy felt himself authorized to review and criticize almost every move of the king. Not until the Swedes invaded Prussia, prince castellan noticed the necessity of deep state reforms. After death of the younger brother, the only heir of the huge family landed estates was prince Jerzy. Because of his fortune the castellan of Kraków was the second Crown magnate of his times. During the last years of his life he played a first role on the political scene of the Republic. Prince Jerzy was very popular among Polish nobility. He was regarded as an ideal senator. He enjoyed widespread support. He was also admired and widely revered. Jerzy prince Zbaraski died in Kraków July 30th 1631 as a last male descendent of his family.
There is a common and consolidated opinion among Polish historians that Volhynia was a mainstay of the political and economic influence of the great landowners. But in the literature of the subject we could not find any details concerning sizes of the estates and their mutual relations. However, at the end of the 19th century, it was published an invaluable source (the tax register of 1570) which could be a base to reconstruct a state of own of the landlords in Volhynia voivoedship in the times of Lublin Union (1569). After a detailed analysis of the mentioned source the Author is able to state that in 1570 there were 382 landowners in Volhynia voivodeship. Nine owners of the biggest estates (latifundium) paid taxes which total amount was 43,51% of all landowners’ payment. Twenty seven great landowners paid 22,80% of all taxes in voivodeship. It means that 36 of the richest landlords of Volhynia had estates in which lived 66,30% (almost 200 000 persons) of all inhabitants of the voivodeship. One hundred fifty one middle landlords paid taxes which amounted to 20,41% of all taxes. The biggest group of the landlords, 195 owners of small estates, paid only 3,02% of all taxes paid in the Volhynia voivodeship. The owners of Crown estates paid 4,66%, and clergy paid 5,61% of all taxes collected in the Volhynia voivodeship. Very interesting is also a statement that 7 of the most famous families of the princes (descendents of the old Gediminids and Rurikids dynastic families): Ostrogski, Czartoryski, Zasławski, Korecki, Wiśniowiecki, Sanguszko and Zbaraski paid 43,75% of all taxes in Volhynia and the area of their large estates was over 24 000 sq. km. It means that they were owners of 59,01% of the area of the voivodeship. After a detailed analysis of the source the Author is also able to state that in the first years after the Lublin Union Volynhia voivoedship was a well populated and rich region of the Polish Republic. This voivodeship could be a very convenient base to the expansion of local great landlords towards the near empty lands of Kiev and Bratslav voivodeships.
Tax registers of the 16th and 17th century are very useful when doing research on the structure of land ownership in the Polish Republic. One of them is tax register of the county of Pilzno from 1629. It was published in 1977 but it has not been much used by historians so far. Studies conducted by the Author of the research allow to conclude that in terms of a division of land ownership in the county of Pilzno between the king, the church and the nobility (respectively 17,91%; 9,38% and 72,71% of all taxable farmland together with 17,09%; 11,80% and 71,11% of the total amount of tax paid), the results do not differ from calculations made for the whole voivodeship of Sandomierz where at the end of the 16th century Crown lands accounted for 11%, estates of the church amounted to nearly 16% and noble properties accounted for 73% of all real estates in the analyzed voivodeship. The registry here described also confirms common belief that in the first half of the 17th century land was concentrated in hands of large landowners. Eight of the richest landowners representing only 5,48% of all owners (there were 146 of them) gathered in their hands estates which accounted for 38,02% of all taxable farmland and for which the sum of the tax paid amounted to 38,44% of all fiscal charges of the county. Even more impressive are the analogous calculations for the noble property. The wealthiest landowners concentrated in their hands 52,29% taxed farmland and paid to the treasury 54,06% of the tax due to these estates. One should also draw attention to the fact that real estates in the county of Pilzno were owned by so powerful magnates as Ostrogski family and their heirs: Zasławski, Zamoyski and Lubomirski families. Among the wealthiest landowners of the county of Pilzno one can also find representatives of old senatorial families such as Stadnicki, Tarło and Firlej. However, most of them spent their time in properties situated outside the very county. We get even more spectacular results while taking into account real estates burdened with tax higher than 100 zlotys. It appears that 21 landowners representing 14,38% of the whole surveyed population possessed a total of over 50% of all land in the county and paid tax higher than 51% of all revenues to the treasury of the Polish Republic. However, if we take into account estates staying in hands of the nobility only (thus excluding the royal estates and church ones), the results are even more striking. Private landowners owned more than 70% of all taxable farmland and they paid almost 72% of the tax owed. The meaning of these numbers is unambiguous and may serve as a summary of our earlier presentation of the problem.
The article is about the process of establishing the latifundia of one of the richest magnates' family in the history of Polish Noble Republic in the 16th and 17th century. The princes' Zbaraski traced their origin back to Fedor prince Nieświski. Their patrimony was the southern part of province of Wołyń. Here in the Krzemieniec County they had their families' estates. Four sons of Andrzej prince Zbaraski and Hanna Herburt originated four branches of the family. The second son of the mentioned couple, Stefan prince Zbaraski (d. 1585), voivod of Troki, thanks to three profitable marriages and his own cunningness established the great latifundia which were composed of 7 towns and about 175 villages at Wołyń and Lithuania. However. he did not have sons and all estates of voivod of Troki inherited his unique daughter. Barbara, who married count Gabriel Tęczyński in 1602. The third son of Andrzej prince Zbaraski, prince Jerzy (d. 1580), was the owner of landed estates at Wołyń and Lithuania. He was married twice. His latifundia consisted of 50-60 villages. Mter his death his estates were inherited by his two living brothers and nephew (Wołyńestates) and two daughters from the first marriage (Lithuanian estates). The youngest son of Andrzej prince Zbaraski, prince Władysław (d. 1581/1582). was also the poorest of all brothers. His estates consisted of about 30 villages at Wołyń and a few villages at Kijów voivodship. His landed estates were inherited by three of his sons, prince Piotr (d. 1604), prince Konstanty (d. 1592) and prince Stefan (d. 1605). Only the eldest of them, Piotr prince Zbaraski, enlarged his estates thanks to the profitable marriage with Ewa princess Wiśniowiecki. Because of their fortunes all sons of prince Władysław belonged to the rich nobility rather than to the magnates. All of them died childless. The greatest career regarding politics and fortune fell to the descendents of the eldest son of Andrzej prince Zbaraski and Hanna Herburt, prince Mikołaj (d. 1574), starost of Krzemieniec. His only son, Janusz (d. 1608), voivod of Bracław, married the rich heiress of landed estates in Bracław voivodship, Anna princess Czetwertyński. He was a very good husbandman who providently enlarged his fortune. During three decades he built the great latifundia in three voivodships: Wołyń, Bracław and Kijów. The huge fortune of Janusz prince Zbaraski consisted before his death of about 200 towns and villages. 1Wosons of prince Janusz, prince Jerzy (d. 1631) and prince Krzysztof (d. 1627), belonged to the exclusive group of the richest Crown magnates. Both of them played a great political role during the reign of Zygmunt III Waza. Mer death of the younger brother, the only heir of the huge family landed estates was Jerzy prince Zbaraski, castellan of Kraków. During the years 1613-1631 he bought a few landed estates in Kraków voivodship (2 towns and about 40 villages). When he died, he left the latifundia which consisted of 49 towns and about 330 villages. Because of his fortune the castellan of Kraków was the second Crown magnate of his times (richer was only Władysław Dominik prince Zasławski). Jerzy prince Zbaraski died childless as the last male descendent of famous princes' Zbaraski family. Mter his death the huge latifundia of Zbaraski family were divided between the families of princes' Wiśniowiecki and Warszycki. A little part of the castellan of Kraków legacy was also obtained by the family of princes' Czetwertyński.
The main aim of the article was to find out whether tax registers from 1629 may be used in statistical and demographic research. The article was also to answer the question what is a number and structure of the dependent population that is recorded in mentioned tax registers in various estates. Studies took a form of a survey and included only a small part of the tax registers of Pilzno and Sandomierz counties. A detailed analysis was carried out for records on landed estates belonging to the family of princes Zasławski. The choice was made on purpose as Zasławski family had the largest properties in both above mentioned counties. Members of this family were also the biggest landowners in Sandomierz voivodeship as well as in the entire Crown. In 1629 the owner of landed estates of princes Zasławski in Sandomierz voivodeship, juvenile entailer of Ostróg – Władysław Dominik prince Zasławski, owned the largest hereditary landed estate in county of Pilzno. His estates included: half of Tarnów city, half of its four suburbs, 34 villages and 4 parts of villages. In those estates there were farmed 290,424 lans of land and total taxes amounted to 1893 florins and 12 dinars. Such a sum accounted for 12,08% of total taxes from Pilzno county and 16,99% of taxes obtained from estates owned by the local nobility. In the neighboring Sandomierz county landed estates of princes Zasławski owned by young entailer of Ostróg included: 4 towns, 44 villages and 3 parts of villages. There were farmed 198,385 lans of land there and total taxes amounted to a significant amount of 2188 florins and 24 groszy. It accounted for 9,95% of total taxes from Sandomierz county and 20,94% of the tax paid by the local nobility. Therefore, according to the data from both analyzed records, in 1629 landed estates of princes Zasławski in Sandomierz voivodeship included: 4½ of the city, half of 4 suburbs, 78 villages and 7 parts of villages. In those estates there were farmed 488,793 lans of land from which taxes amounted to 4081 florins 24 groszy and 12 dinars. However, it should be noticed that properties in Sandomierz voivodeship were only a part of all landed estates owned by princes Zasławski. At that time their enormous latifundium consisted of 50 cities and about 750 villages. In the entire Commonwealth no other magnate family of that time owned so extensive properties. After calculations it was found out that in landed estates of Władysław Dominik prince Zasławski located in Pilzno county in 1629 lived 8895 people. Rural population (8040 people) accounted for 90,39% of the studied population while in cities lived 855 people, that is approximately 9,61% of all residents of estates. In his estates lying in Sandomierz county lived 8042 people. Rural population (4174 people) accounted for 51,9% of the studied population while in cities lived about 3868 people, thus 48,1% of all residents of these properties. In 1629 in villages owned by Władysław Dominik prince Zasławski there were living 5214 peasants whit their families, 1723 smallholders, 4125 landless peasants and 1152 people engaged in production, trade or services. This population accounted for a total of 12 214 people. Of all inhabitants of villages peasants constituted 42,69%, smallholders 14,11% and landless peasants 33,77%. It is worth underlying that a significant proportion (9,43%) of rural population were persons engaged in production, trade or services. The analyzed tax registers gave also interesting information concerning cities owned by entailer of Ostróg. It can be concluded that in 1629 in those cities lived 1539 people obliged to pay taxes. In this group landless peasants accounted for 7,99%, craftsmen – 78,17% and people engaged in trade – 8,38% of the population. What is more, families of people providing various services amounted to 4,87% of urban population. Rogues (hultaje) and people from the margins of society amounted to 0,59% of the tax payers. In cities belonging to princes Zasławski lived also 3184 people for whom there are no records to establish the area of their livelihood. Therefore, urban population in Sandomierz county’s landed estates of entailer of Ostróg amounted to 4723 people. Residents paying taxes who were stated in the registers accounted for little more than 32,58% of the population. Thus in 1629 total estimated population living in princes Zasławski landed estates in the Sandomierz voivodeship amounted to 16 937 people (12 214 inhabitants of villages and 4723 residents of cities). Therefore, rural and urban population accounted for 72,11%, and 27,89% of the studied population, respectively. It is believed that this estimation reflects the reality (although estimates may be too low). Thanks to the results obtained in the study one may conclude that conscript records are important and in many cases even irreplaceable source of information that may be used in various statistical studies.
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