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PL
It is well known that languages encode their basic categorial functions in a different way. Nevertheless, there are numerous semi-grammatical and lexical items that provide specific categorial signals which can be referred to as limit values between lexicon and grammar. These covered signals allow to compare categorial functions of different languages encoded by items of a different status in the particular language systems occurring as secunda comparationis by language comparison. In the presented paper modality and aspect resp. aspectuality are compared with regard to Slavonic aspect languages vs. Germanic aspectless systems. It is shown that in the field of deontic (root) and epistemic (deictic) modality there are verifiable cross-categorial connections, so that e. g. modal verbs can, under certain circumstances “replace” the lack of the aspect category encoding aspect-like functions. This claim goes back to Werner Abraham’s aspectual-modal link hypothesis proven also in diachronically oriented investigations by Elisabeth Leiss. The analyses includes both the synchronic and the diachronic dimension of the problem by involving corresponding examples from the corpora in question.
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Modalitäten

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PL
ModalitiesThe article deals with three dimensions of modality: (i) types of modality, (ii) modal relations, and (iii) modality forms. The first question concerns the totality of modal functions including those encoded by modal verbs both in deontic and in epistemic reading as well as grammatical and semi-grammatical modal signals. The second problem deals with various categorial interfaces and affinities between modality and other verbal categories, i.e. time, voice, and aspect. In the third section diverse forms of encoding modality are discussed. The general claim of the article is that modality signals indicate not only their genuine relation to "facticity", but also a variety of cross-categorial interactions in the verbal paradigm as a whole.
EN
The paper deals with selected aspects of the explanatory adequacy of language change as well as the correlation between natural and intended language change. Firstly, it examines, whether the questions concerning general reasons of language change are justified. Secondly, it tries to determine the correctness and sufficiency of argumentation strategies by explanation of different language change phenomena, on the case example of Umlaut. Thirdly, it considers several problems of an intended language change on the case example of feminization attempts by encoding of profession titles in the contemporary German.
PL
Co ma zawierać objaśnienie zmian językowych i jakie zmiany językowe są możliwe? W artykule analizowane są wybrane aspekty adekwatności objaśnień przemian językowych, a także korelacji między naturalnymi i „sztucznymi” czynnikami przemian językowych. Po pierwsze, rozpatruje on pytanie, czy próby objaśnienia ogólnych przyczyn przemian językowych w ich całości są uzasadnione. Po drugie, zawiera on próbę oceny prawidłowości i wystarczalności strategii argumentacyjnych przy objaśnieniu różnorodnych zjawisk przemian językowych, na przykładzie umlautu. Po trzecie, rozpatrywane są niektóre aspekty „zamierzonych” zmian językowych na przykładzie próby feminizacji określeń tytułów zawodowych we współczesnym języku niemieckim.
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EN
The paper deals with categorial relations between subject vs. object control and overt vs. covert modality signals. In particular, complex sentence structures with the verba dicendi tell and ask in the matrix and finite vs. non-finite (elided) embedding are analysed, the predicates of which refer to the subject or to the object of the matrix. It is shown that the change of subject and object control and vice versa depends directly on presence or absence of modal signals. The overt bouletic (volitional, controlling) modality does not change the control relations, whereas the overt deontic modality neutralises them making them context-sensitive, and the covert deontic modality inverts it. In the last case, the control change coincides with the elision operation in the embedded proposition making it an infinitive complement. The key role plays here a direct affinity of the rising semantics of deontic modality to diathesis.
PL
Der Beitrag befasst sich mit kategorialen Relationen zwischen Subjekt-/Objektkontrolle und overten bzw. coverten Modalitätssignalen. Untersucht werden speziell komplexe Satzgebilde mit den Verba dicendi sagen und fragen in der Matrix und finiten bzw. infiniten (elidierten) Einbettungen, deren Prädikate auf das Subjekt oder aber auf das Objekt der Matrix referieren. Es wird gezeigt, dass der Wechsel von Subjekt- zu Objektkontrolle und umgekehrt direkt davon abhängig ist, ob modale Signale fehlen oder vorhanden sind. Die overte bouletische bzw. volitive (also kontrollierende) Modalität ändert die Kontrollverhältnisse nicht, während die overte deontische Modalität sie neutralisiert und kontextabhängig macht, und die coverte deontische Modalität sie genau umkehrt. Im letzten Fall geht der Kontrollwechsel mit Elidierungsoperation in der eingebetteten Proposition einher, die zu einer Infinitivergänzung wird. Die Schlüsselrolle spielt hierbei eine direkte Affinität der Anhebungssemantik der deontischen Modalität zur Diathese.
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Valenz und Afinitheit

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EN
Both terms seem to be contradictory to each other, since the classical verb‑centric valence theory, the follower of which is also Ulrich Engel, considers the verb, and, thus, also the formal feature of its finiteness as an inalienable criterion of a sentence proposition. Thus, non‑finite predications are simply considered as minimal utterances, whereas their “normal” status of clauses is mostly denied (cf. Zifonun et al. 1997). On the other hand, many languages ( Slavic languages, among others,but also old Germanic languages, Greek and partly Latin) have many full‑value clause structures being formally non‑finite. Similarly, modern German conveys numerous sentence‑like constructions with a full‑predicative propositional value. Many of them belong to the phenomenon of non‑finiteness (cf., among others, Riecke 2012, Kotin 2014), as in: Was vergangen, kehrt in der gleichen Gestalt nie wieder. If in the description of the valency structure of such sentences/ utterances the classical Engelian valence model is used, no significant differences between finite and non‑finite clauses can be registered, since within this model finite auxiliaries and copulas are considered as not valence‑dependent. However, the problem becomes more complicated, if we assume that copulas and auxiliaries possess at least structural valence and, thus, are regentia in respect to the hierarchically “lower” situated so called “full verbs” (cf. Eroms 2000). In this case, non‑finite sentences have to be considered as elliptical ones and treated accordingly to this status. This very complicated and complex theoretical problem of the dependence grammar is the subject of this paper containing an analysis of examples from various languages and different stages of their development, i.e. from synchronic, diachronic and typological perspectives.
PL
Auf den ersten Blick scheinen beide Titelbegriffe kontradiktorisch zu sein, setzt ja die klassische verbozentrische Valenztheorie, deren Anhänger auch der Geehrte ist, eine weit verstandene „Verbalität“ als konstitutives inhaltlich‑propositionales Satzkriterium voraus, wobei die Finitheit von den meisten deutschen Grammatikforschern zum unveräußerlichen formalen Satzkriterium erklärt wird. So gelten z.B. sämtliche infinite Prädikationen schlechtweg als kommunikative Minimaläußerungen, doch wird ihnen der „normale“ Satzstatus abgesprochen (vgl. Zifonun et al. 1997). Auf der anderen Seite gibt es in vielen Sprachen (so in der Slavia, aber auch in älteren germanischen Sprachen, im Griechischen, zum Teil im Latein) viele vollwertige Satzstrukturen, die formal infinit sind. Auch in der deutschen Gegenwartssprache sind mehrfach satzartige Konstruktionen mit vollprädikativem Inhaltswert, dabei aber ohne finites Verb vorhanden. Viele davon fallen unter den Begriff der Afinitheit (vgl. u.a. Riecke 2012, Kotin 2014), vgl. Was vergangen, kehrt in der gleichen Gestalt nie wieder. Wird bei der Deskription der Valenzstruktur derartiger Sätze oder satzartiger Äußerungen das klassische (Engel’sche) Valenzmodell angewandt, so ergibt dies keine rasanten Unterschiede bei finiten und afiniten Satzsyntagmen, da finite Auxiliare und Kopulae darin grundsätzlich als nicht valenzfähig behandelt werden. Schwieriger wird es allerdings, wenn angenommen wird, dass Kopulae und Auxiliare zumindest eine strukturelle Valenz besitzen und Regentia bezüglich der hierarchisch niedrigeren Vollverben darstellen (vgl. Eroms 2000). In diesem Fall sollen afinite Sätze als Ellipsen eingeordnet und entsprechend syntaktisch behandelt werden. Dieses recht komplizierte und komplexe theoretische Problem der Dependenzgrammatik wird am Beispiel verschiedener Sprachen und unterschiedlicher Entwicklungsstufen, also aus synchroner, kontrastiv‑typologischer und diachroner Sicht betrachtet.
DE
Einige Besonderheiten der Anwendung des Linguistischen Analyse-modells von Józef P. Darski bei der Beschreibung der morphologischen Systeme älterer Sprachstufen der Indogermania
EN
The contribution deals with selected questions of the interaction between the so called “lexical aspect” (the opposition between telicity and atelicity) and the grammatical aspect (or so called “viewpoint”- aspect, i.e. the opposition between perfectivity and imperfectivity) in the languages with and without the overtly encoded aspect. The striking point of the analysis is the “complexive” meaning of aspectual forms and constructions involving lexical atelicity by indicating durativity or iterativity, on the one hand, and grammatical perfectivity by indicating the complexive perspective of the verbal action on the other. This type of aspectuality was a special feature of verbal systems with the aorist category. My claim is, thus, that the contemporary English has a special grammatical form of the “complexive aorist”, i.e. the form of Present Perfect Progressive. The Slavic languages encode this function by using the – unmarked – imperfective forms of the verbs, whereas German uses special means of encoding the very same function on the whole-clause level, such as adverbials or definite vs. indefinite or zero article.
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